Police Killed in New Uyghuristan Clash
2008-08-28
Unarmed Uyghur police come under attack while searching for suspects in an August clash.

KASHGAR, Uyghuristan, China: A Chinese policeman (R) watches as ethnic Uyghurs line the street for an official ceremony on August 7, 2008.

HONG KONG—Two ethnic Uyghur police officers have been killed and at least two critically injured in a new clash near the Silk Road city of Kashgar, according to authoritative sources and witnesses.

The two dead and wounded officers all belong to the Muslim Uyghur ethnic group, according to police and the chief nurse at Peyzawat [in Chinese, Jiashi] county hospital. “All of them were stabbed,” the nurse said.

“Two of them died at the hospital today [Wednesday] and two of them have been sent to the Kashgar Prefecture Hospital because they were in critical condition.”

The nurse, who asked not to be named, said they were brought to the hospital after a clash in Qizilboy village, Peyzawat county.

“Six or seven people came out and attacked them with knives,” an officer who witnessed the attack said. “Two officers died at the scene—one was the [Misha] village police chief. Four others were wounded, and four of us escaped.”

A Peyzawat county government official, contacted by telephone, confirmed that all the victims had been hospitalized with knife wounds. “They all work for the government,” he said.

The Peyzawat county Public Security Bureau declined to comment in detail. “We have not received instructions as to what to say. You should call the command center. We are waiting to receive the specifics from them,” an officer on duty said.

Searching for suspect

The deputy Peyzawat county police chief, Omerjan, said in an interview that the police officers—all members of the Uyghur Muslim minority—were searching a cornfield following a tip that a woman suspected of aiding assailants in an earlier attack was hiding there.

“We didn’t expect to come under attack in that cornfield,” Omerjan said. “They [the police] didn’t carry any weapons. Now there are 500 armed Chinese troops searching house to house in the area. It has been almost nine hours, but we still haven’t found anyone.”

In August, assailants attacked a checkpoint in Yamanya town, in Yengisher [in Chinese, Shule] county, in which three guards were killed. Following the Yamanya attack, police arrested a Uyghur woman, Amangul, 50. On Wednesday, they were searching for her daughter, indentified as Anargul, 22, according to Omerjan, on suspicion that she aided the Yamanya assailants.

Seven people are sought in connection with the Yamanya attack. Police have identified five of those suspects as Abdurehim Ehet, Keyim Bawudun, Imam Hesen, Hesen Hoshur, and Abdusalam Sultan. Names of the remaining two were unavailable.

“After the Yamanya incident, we organized large public gatherings and asked people to help us find the suspects. We also said we would offer a 50,000-yuan reward to anyone who helped. But still nobody has come forward,” Omerjan said.

All of the officers were unarmed, the deputy police chief and the officer who took part in the search said. The officer added that Uyghur police are generally barred from carrying weapons.

Twenty of the 21 police working in the local police station are Uyghurs and one is Han Chinese, he said. The station owns only two firearms, both of which are locked in storage.

Officers recovering

On Friday, the new Misha village police chief, Mamet Ali, said the wounded officers were recovering in hospital but one had lost two fingers in the attack.

Anargul remained at large, Ali said, adding: “We have her eight-year-old son in custody. We also have Amangul [her mother] in custody… Anargul is a key person for us to arrest the others. That is why we have her son.”

Police have also detained two sons of cleric and community leader Abdul Shukur, Ali said. Shukur’s home is close to the cornfield where the clash erupted this week, and Shukur was already in custody at the time. His sons’ ages weren’t immediately available.

Another local official, the Misha village propaganda chief, said search operations were under way throughout Peyzawat, Yengisher, and Yupurgha [in Chinese, Yuepuhu] counties. “All the police and troops, government employees, and farmers are mobilized in the area under the leadership of the Kashgar governor, Akber Ghopur,” the propaganda chief said.

“In Misha village alone, about 2,000 people including 500 troops, 300 armed police, and 400 government employees and paramilitary” have been mobilized, he said, although no one has yet been detained.

Stepped-up campaign

Exiled Uyghurs meanwhile say authorities in the troubled Xinjiang region have stepped up a campaign to quell separatism among Uyghurs there, making numerous arrests and setting up checkpoints following the worst outbreak of violence there in a decade.

The Munich-based World Uyghur Congress, citing communications from the town of Kucha in Xinjiang, said residents there have been barred from travelling outside their own county, with a half-dozen military checkpoints set up to prevent travel.

Kucha was the site of an Aug. 10 attack in which 15 ethnic Uyghurs staged attacks on prominent government buildings, killing a security guard and a civilian. Eight of the attackers were killed and two committed suicide.

Six days earlier, according to China’s official media, 16 police officers died when a group of Uyghurs attacked them with knives and homemade explosives.

No group has claimed responsibility for the deadly bombings and stabbings in August, but police have blamed Uyghur “terrorists.”

The World Uyghur Congress also said hundreds of Uyghurs have been detained in connection with the attacks. No official comment was immediately available.

Original reporting by Shohret and Gulchira for RFA’s Uyghur service. Additional reporting by Ding Xiao for RFA’s Mandarin service.Translated by Omer Kanat. Uyghur service director: Dolkun Kamberi. Mandarin service director: Jennifer Chou. Written and produced in English by Sarah Jackson-Han.

From:http://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/stabbing-08282008123309.html

Uiguren melden Massenverhaftungen in Uyghuristan
Montag, 25. August 2008 11:20


Kurz nach dem Ende der Olympischen Spiele wird klar, dass die chinesische Führung ihren Kurs gegen Oppositionelle und Minderheiten nicht verändert hat. So haben Sicherheitskräfte nach Angaben von Regimegegnern 500 Uiguren in Xinjiang verhaftet. Menschenrechtler ziehen nach den Spielen eine negative Bilanz.
Zurück Bild 1 von 11 Weiter

Foto: dpaUiguren nennt man die islamische Minderheit in China. Hier sieht man eine Marktszene aus der Stadt Kasghar.
Zurück Bild 2 von 11 Weiter

Foto: AFPDie Minderheit kämpft für eine Abspaltung von China. Hier demonstrieren Uiguren in Brüssel für ihre Rechte.

Chinesische Sicherheitskräfte haben nach Angaben von Regimegegnern in den vergangenen zwei Wochen 500 Uiguren in der Wüstenregion Xinjiang verhaftet. Allein in der Oasenstadt Kashgar an der früheren Seidenstraße habe es 100 Verhaftungen gegeben, berichtete der Uigurische Weltkongress am Montag.

Die Organisation appellierte an die internationale Staatengemeinschaft, Einspruch in Peking zu erheben. Viele der muslimischen Uiguren widersetzen sich der chinesischen Fremdherrschaft. In den vergangenen Wochen gab es in den uigurischen Oasenstädten am Rande der Wüste Taklamakan mehrere gewalttätige Zwischenfälle mit rund 30 Toten.

Nach Angaben des Uigurischen Weltkongresses werden die Familien nicht über den Aufenthaltsort der Verhafteten informiert. Das “Verschwinden” sei in den uigurischen Gebieten alltägliches Ereignis. Beteiligt an der Verhaftungswelle seien Armee, Polizei und Geheimdienste. Die Verhaftungen seien willkürlich. Haftbefehle oder sonstige juristische Formalien gebe es nicht.

Menschenrechtler ziehen negative Bilanz der Olympischen Spiele
Die Menschenrechtsorganisation Human Rights in China (HRIC) zog eine negative Bilanz der Olympischen Spiele. Die chinesische Regierung habe die Spiele erfolgreich genutzt, um ihre politischen Ziele zu verwirklichen, erklärte die Hongkonger Organisation.

“Die sorgfältig verputzte Fassade kann aber nicht den Polizeistaat verbergen, der auf den Menschenrechten herumtrampelt”, sagte die Geschäftsführerin Sharon Hom. Den Preis der Spiele zahle die chinesische Bevölkerung.

Seit 2001 seien rund 1,5 Millionen Pekinger für den Bau der olympischen Sportstätten zwangsweise umgesiedelt worden, gegen wenig oder keinerlei Schadenersatz für den Verlust ihrer Häuser und Wohnungen. Für die Begrünung des am Rande der Wüste gelegenen Peking seien geschätzte 200 Millionen Kubikmeter Wasser verwendet worden.

Das Wasser sei aus der von Dürre bedrohten Nachbarprovinz Hebei umgeleitet worden. „Das Internationale Olympische Komitee hat seinen Kopf in den Sand gesteckt, wenn es mit den Berichten über Einschränkungen der Pressefreiheit, Verhaftungen und Luftverschmutzung konfrontiert wurde“, erklärte Hom.


Grünen-Politiker: Gold für IOC in Disziplin politische Naivität
Der Grünen-Politiker Volker Beck kritisierte das Internationale Olympische Komitee (IOC) zum Ende der Olympischen Spiele scharf. “Das IOC hat Gold in der Disziplin politische Naivität und Opportunismus gewonnen”, erklärte der menschenrechtspolitische Sprecher der Grünen-Bundestagsfraktion.

“Jacques Rogge und seine Funktionäre haben sich zum propagandistischen Handlanger des chinesischen Regimes gemacht.” Die Bilanz für Dissidenten und die unterdrückten kulturellen Minderheiten der Uiguren und Tibeter sei negativ. In vielen Bereichen sei entgegen der Zusagen der Chinesen die Repressionschraube angezogen worden.

Beck forderte, die Weltgemeinschaft und die Olympische Bewegung müsse nach den olympischen Spielen durch Entsendung von Beobachtern sicherstellen, dass es in den Provinzen Tibet und Xinjiang nicht noch zu einer weiteren Verschärfung der Repression komme. Zudem brauche die olympische Bewegung eine Reformdiskussion.

“Es darf sich nicht wiederholen, dass man in Ländern, die die Menschenrechte systematisch verletzen, ohne verbindliche Vereinbarungen über die menschenrechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen die olympischen Spiele austrägt”, sagte Beck mit Blick auf die Winterspiele 2014 in Sotschi in Russland.DPA/FSL

Von:http://www.morgenpost.de/politik/article862365/Uiguren_melden_Massenverhaftungen_in_Xinjiang.html

Die Allgemeine Erklärung der Menschenrechte
Resolution 217 A (III) vom 10.12.1948

Präambel
Da die Anerkennung der angeborenen Würde und der gleichen und unveräußerlichen Rechte aller Mitglieder der Gemeinschaft der Menschen die Grundlage von Freiheit, Gerechtigkeit und Frieden in der Welt bildet,

da die Nichtanerkennung und Verachtung der Menschenrechte zu Akten der Barbarei geführt haben, die das Gewissen der Menschheit mit Empörung erfüllen, und da verkündet worden ist, daß einer Welt, in der die Menschen Rede- und Glaubensfreiheit und Freiheit von Furcht und Not genießen, das höchste Streben des Menschen gilt,

da es notwendig ist, die Menschenrechte durch die Herrschaft des Rechtes zu schützen, damit der Mensch nicht gezwungen wird, als letztes Mittel zum Aufstand gegen Tyrannei und Unterdrückung zu greifen,

da es notwendig ist, die Entwicklung freundschaftlicher Beziehungen zwischen den Nationen zu fördern,

da die Völker der Vereinten Nationen in der Charta ihren Glauben an die grundlegenden Menschenrechte, an die Würde und den Wert der menschlichen Person und an die Gleichberechtigung von Mann und Frau erneut bekräftigt und beschlossen haben, den sozialen Forschritt und bessere Lebensbedingungen in größerer Freiheit zu fördern,

da die Mitgliedstaaten sich verpflichtet haben, in Zusammenarbeit mit den Vereinten Nationen auf die allgemeine Achtung und Einhaltung der Menschenrechte und Grundfreiheiten hinzuwirken,

da ein gemeinsames Verständnis dieser Rechte und Freiheiten von größter Wichtigkeit für die volle Erfüllung dieser Verpflichtung ist,

verkündet die Generalversammlung

diese Allgemeine Erklärung der Menschenrechte als das von allen Völkern und Nationen zu erreichende gemeinsame Ideal, damit jeder einzelne und alle Organe der Gesellschaft sich diese Erklärung stets gegenwärtig halten und sich bemühen, durch Unterricht und Erziehung die Achtung vor diesen Rechten und Freiheiten zu fördern und durch fortschreitende nationale und internationale Maßnahmen ihre allgemeine und tatsächliche Anerkennung und Einhaltung durch die Bevölkerung der Mitgliedstaaten selbst wie auch durch die Bevölkerung der ihrer Hoheitsgewalt unterstehenden Gebiete zu gewährleisten.

Artikel 1
Alle Menschen sind frei und gleich an Würde und Rechten geboren. Sie sind mit Vernunft und Gewissen begabt und sollen einander im Geist der Brüderlichkeit begegnen.

Artikel 2
Jeder hat Anspruch auf die in dieser Erklärung verkündeten Rechte und Freiheiten ohne irgendeinen Unterschied, etwa nach Rasse, Hautfarbe, Geschlecht, Sprache, Religion, politischer oder sonstiger Überzeugung, nationaler oder sozialer Herkunft, Vermögen, Geburt oder sonstigem Stand.

Des weiteren darf kein Unterschied gemacht werden auf Grund der politischen, rechtlichen oder internationalen Stellung des Landes oder Gebiets, dem eine Person angehört, gleichgültig ob dieses unabhängig ist, unter Treuhandschaft steht, keine Selbstregierung besitzt oder sonst in seiner Souveränität eingeschränkt ist.

Artikel 3
Jeder hat das Recht auf Leben, Freiheit und Sicherheit der Person.

Artikel 4
Niemand darf in Sklaverei oder Leibeigenschaft gehalten werden; Sklaverei und Sklavenhandel sind in allen ihren Formen verboten.

Artikel 5
Niemand darf der Folter oder grausamer, unmenschlicher oder erniedrigender Behandlung oder Strafe unterworfen werden.

Artikel 6
Jeder hat das Recht, überall als rechtsfähig anerkannt zu werden.

Artikel 7
Alle Menschen sind vor dem Gesetz gleich und haben ohne Unterschied Anspruch auf gleichen Schutz durch das Gesetz. Alle haben Anspruch auf gleichen Schutz gegen jede Diskriminierung, die gegen diese Erklärung verstößt, und gegen jede Aufhetzung zu einer derartigen Diskriminierung.

Artikel 8
Jeder hat Anspruch auf einen wirksamen Rechtsbehelf bei den zuständigen innerstaatlichen Gerichten gegen Handlungen, durch die seine ihm nach der Verfassung oder nach dem Gesetz zustehenen Grundrechte verletzt werden.

Artikel 9
Niemand darf willkürlich festgenommen, in Haft gehalten oder des Landes verwiesen werden.

Artikel 10
Jeder hat bei der Feststellung seiner Rechte und Pflichten sowie bei einer gegen ihn erhobenen strafrechtlichen Beschuldigung in voller Gleichheit Anspruch auf ein gerechtes und öffentliches Verfahren vor einem unabhängigen und unparteiischen Gericht.

Artikel 11
Jeder, der wegen einer strafbaren Handlung beschuldigt wird, hat das Recht, als unschuldig zu gelten, solange seine Schuld nicht in einem öffentlichen Verfahren, in dem er alle für seine Verteidigung notwendigen Garantien gehabt hat, gemäß dem Gesetz nachgewiesen ist.
Niemand darf wegen einer Handlung oder Unterlassung verurteilt werden, die zur Zeit ihrer Begehung nach innerstaatlichem oder internationalem Recht nicht strafbar war. Ebenso darf keine schwerere Strafe als die zum Zeitpunkt der Begehung der strafbaren Handlung angedrohte Strafe verhängt werden.

Artikel 12

Niemand darf willkürlichen Eingriffen in sein Privatleben, seine Familie, seine Wohnung und seinen Schriftverkehr oder Beeinträchtigungen seiner Ehre und seines Rufes ausgesetzt werden. Jeder hat Anspruch auf rechtlichen Schutz gegen solche Eingriffe oder Beeinträchtigungen.

Artikel 13
Jeder hat das Recht, sich innerhalb eines Staates frei zu bewegen und seinen Aufenthaltsort frei zu wählen.
Jeder hat das Recht, jedes Land, einschließlich seines eigenen, zu verlassen und in sein Land zurückzukehren.

Artikel 14
Jeder hat das Recht, in anderen Ländern vor Verfolgung Asyl zu suchen und zu genießen.
Dieses Recht kann nicht in Anspruch genommen werden im Falle einer Strafverfolgung, die tatsächlich auf Grund von Verbrechen nichtpolitischer Art oder auf Grund von Handlungen erfolgt, die gegen die Ziele und Grundsätze der Vereinten Nationen verstoßen.

Artikel 15
Jeder hat das Recht auf eine Staatsangehörigkeit.
Niemandem darf seine Staatsangehörigkeit willkürlich entzogen noch das Recht versagt werden, seine Staatsanghörigkeit zu wechseln.

Artikel 16
Heiratsfähige Frauen und Männer haben ohne Beschränkung auf Grund der Rasse, der Staatsangehörigkeit oder der Religion das Recht zu heiraten und eine Familie zu gründen. Sie haben bei der Eheschließung, während der Ehe und bei deren Auflösung gleiche Rechte.
Eine Ehe darf nur bei freier und uneingeschränkter Willenseinigung der künftigen Ehegatten geschlossen werden.
Die Familie ist die natürliche Grundeinheit der Gesellschaft und hat Anspruch auf Schutz durch Gesellschaft und Staat.

Artikel 17
Jeder hat das Recht, sowohl allein als auch in Gemeinschaft mit anderen Eigentum innezuhaben.
Niemand darf willkürlich seines Eigentums beraubt werden.

Artikel 18
Jeder hat das Recht auf Gedanken-, Gewissens- und Religionsfreiheit; dieses Recht schließt die Freiheit ein, seine Religion oder Überzeugung zu wechseln, sowie die Freiheit, seine Religion oder Weltanschauung allein oder in Gemeinschaft mit anderen, öffentlich oder privat durch Lehre, Ausübung, Gottesdienst und Kulthandlungen zu bekennen.

Artikel 19
Jeder hat das Recht auf Meinungsfreiheit und freie Meinungsäußerung; dieses Recht schließt die Freiheit ein, Meinungen ungehindert anzuhängen sowie über Medien jeder Art und ohne Rücksicht auf Grenzen Informationen und Gedankengut zu suchen, zu empfangen und zu verbreiten.

Artikel 20
Alle Menschen haben das Recht, sich friedlich zu versammeln und zu Vereinigungen zusammenzuschließen.
Niemand darf gezwungen werden, einer Vereinigung anzugehören.

Artikel 21
Jeder hat das Recht, an der Gestaltung der öffentlichen Angelegenheiten seines Landes unmittelbar oder durch frei gewählte Vertreter mitzuwirken.
Jeder hat das Recht auf gleichen Zugang zu öffentlichen Ämtern in seinem Lande.
Der Wille des Volkes bildet die Grundlage für die Autorität der öffentlichen Gewalt; dieser Wille muß durch regelmäßige, unverfälschte, allgemeine und gleiche Wahlen mit geheimer Stimmabgabe oder in einem gleichwertigen freien Wahlverfahren zum Ausdruck kommen.

Artikel 22
Jeder hat als Mitglied der Gesellschaft das Recht auf soziale Sicherheit und Anspruch darauf, durch innerstaatliche Maßnahmen und internationale Zusammenarbeit sowie unter Berücksichtigung der Organisation und der Mittel jedes Staates in den Genuß der wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und kulturellen Rechte zu gelangen, die für seine Würde und die freie Entwicklung seiner Persönlichkeit unentbehrlich sind.

Artikel 23
Jeder hat das Recht auf Arbeit, auf freie Berufswahl, auf gerechte und befriedigende Arbeitsbedingungen sowie auf Schutz vor Arbeitslosigkeit.
Jeder, ohne Unterschied, hat das Recht auf gleichen Lohn für gleiche Arbeit.
Jeder, der arbeitet, hat das Recht auf gerechte und befriedigende Entlohnung, die ihm und seiner Familie eine der menschlichen Würde entsprechende Existenz sichert, gegebenenfalls ergänzt durch andere soziale Schutzmaßnahmen.
Jeder hat das Recht, zum Schutz seiner Interessen Gewerkschaften zu bilden und solchen beizutreten.

Artikel 24
Jeder hat das Recht auf Erholung und Freizeit und insbesondere auf eine vernünftige Begrenzung der Arbeitszeit und regelmäßigen bezahlten Urlaub.

Artikel 25
Jeder hat das Recht auf einen Lebensstandard, der seine und seiner Familie Gesundheit und Wohl gewährleistet, einschließlich Nahrung, Kleidung, Wohnung, ärztliche Versorgung und notwendige soziale Leistungen gewährleistet sowie das Recht auf Sicherheit im Falle von Arbeitslosigkeit, Krankheit, Invalidität oder Verwitwung, im Alter sowie bei anderweitigem Verlust seiner Unterhaltsmittel durch unverschuldete Umstände.
Mütter und Kinder haben Anspruch auf besondere Fürsorge und Unterstützung. Alle Kinder, eheliche wie außereheliche, genießen den gleichen sozialen Schutz.

Artikel 26
Jeder hat das Recht auf Bildung. Die Bildung ist unentgeltlich, zum mindesten der Grundschulunterricht und die grundlegende Bildung. Der Grundschulunterricht ist obligatorisch. Fach- und Berufsschulunterricht müssen allgemein verfügbar gemacht werden, und der Hochschulunterricht muß allen gleichermaßen entsprechend ihren Fähigkeiten offenstehen.
Die Bildung muß auf die volle Entfaltung der menschlichen Persönlichkeit und auf die Stärkung der Achtung vor den Menschenrechten und Grundfreiheiten gerichtet sein. Sie muß zu Verständnis, Toleranz und Freundschaft zwischen allen Nationen und allen rassischen oder religiösen Gruppen beitragen und der Tätigkeit der Vereinten Nationen für die Wahrung des Friedens förderlich sein.
Die Eltern haben ein vorrangiges Recht, die Art der Bildung zu wählen, die ihren Kindern zuteil werden soll.

Artikel 27
Jeder hat das Recht, am kulturellen Leben der Gemeinschaft frei teilzunehmen, sich an den Künsten zu erfreuen und am wissenschaftlichen Fortschritt und dessen Errungenschaften teilzuhaben.
Jeder hat das Recht auf Schutz der geistigen und materiellen Interessen, die ihm als Urheber von Werken der Wissenschaft, Literatur oder Kunst erwachsen.

Artikel 28
Jeder hat Anspruch auf eine soziale und internationale Ordnung, in der die in dieser Erklärung verkündeten Rechte und Freiheiten voll verwirklicht werden können.

Artikel 29
Jeder hat Pflichten gegenüber der Gemeinschaft, in der allein die freie und volle Entfaltung seiner Persönlichkeit möglich ist.
Jeder ist bei der Ausübung seiner Rechte und Freiheiten nur den Beschränkungen unterworfen, die das Gesetz ausschließlich zu dem Zweck vorsieht, die Anerkennung und Achtung der Rechte und Freiheiten anderer zu sichern und den gerechten Anforderungen der Moral, der öffentlichen Ordnung und des allgemeinen Wohles in einer demokratischen Gesellschaft zu genügen.
Diese Rechte und Freiheiten dürfen in keinem Fall im Widerspruch zu den Zielen und Grundsätzen der Vereinten Nationen ausgeübt werden.

Artikel 30
Keine Bestimmung dieser Erklärung darf dahin ausgelegt werden, daß sie für einen Staat, eine Gruppe oder eine Person irgendein Recht begründet, eine Tätigkeit auszuüben oder eine Handlung zu begehen, welche die Beseitigung der in dieser Erklärung verkündeten Rechte und Freiheiten zum Ziel hat.

Von: http://www.unhchr.ch/udhr/lang/ger.htm

Die Uiguren In Uyghuristan

Wolfgang Günter Lerch

Uiguren auf einem Markt in der Provinz Uyghuristan/Xinjiang
05. August 2008 Lange Zeit sah es so aus, als habe die immer wieder aufflammende Unruhe in der westchinesischen Uyghuristan/Xinijang ein Ausmaß, das die Führung in Peking nicht über Gebühr beunruhigen müsse. Doch seit einiger Zeit dringen immer wieder Nachrichten nach draußen, dass sich der „uigurische Widerstand verstärke“.

Es ist sogar davon die Rede, dass Al Qaida versuche, ihren Einfluss in dieser Region, die von den Uiguren und anderen Turkvölkern als „Ost-Turkestan“ bezeichnet wird, auszubauen. Schon an früheren Anschlägen Al Qaidas sollen auch einige Uiguren beteiligt gewesen sein.

Anschläge auch auf Sportler?

In der letzten Juli-Woche hatte eine „Islamische Partei Ost-Turkestans“ mit Anschlägen während der Olympischen Spiele gedroht. In ihrem in der vergangenen Woche veröffentlichten Bezichtigungsvideo kündigte sie auch Anschläge in Peking an und wollte davon auch Athleten nicht ausnehmen.

Zum Thema

16 Tote bei Anschlag auf Polizeistation in China

Ihr Führer, der auf den Namen Saifullah hören soll, gab bekannt: „Trotz der wiederholten Mahnungen der ,Islamischen Partei Turkestans’ an China und die internationale Gesellschaft, die 29. Olympischen Spiele abzusagen, haben die Chinesen unsere Warnungen ignoriert“. In ersten Reaktionen hatte es geheißen, es handele sich um eine obskure Gruppe, die wohl nicht besonders ernst zu nehmen sei.

In der Region zwischen Kaschgar im Westen, Urumtschi im Norden und Khotan im Süden leben etwa acht Millionen Uiguren, die dem östlichen Zweig der türkischen Völker angehören und eine osttürkische Sprache sprechen. Andere kleine turksprachige Minderheiten wie Kasachen und Kirgisen kommen hinzu.

Angst vor kulturellem Identitätsverlust

Kaschgar, wo jetzt 16 Polizisten bei dem Anschlag getötet wurden, ist das religiöse und traditionelle Zentrum der Uiguren. Geographisch gesehen bewohnen sie das Tarim-Becken, in dessen Mitte sich die Wüste Takla Makan (Ort ohne Wiederkehr) befindet, sowie die nördlich davon gelegene Region der Turfan-Oasen, ein Gebiet der historischen Seidenstraße. Seit vielen Jahrzehnten beklagen sie – ähnlich wie die Tibeter – die kulturelle Überwältigung durch die Han-Chinesen, deren Zahl durch Zuwanderung und bewusste Ansiedlung ständig wächst.

In vielen Gegenden sind die Uiguren längst zur Minderheit geworden. Auch die restriktive Haltung des Staates gegenüber der islamischen Religion, der die Uiguren anhängen, wird vom Uigurischen Weltkongress und anderen uigurischen Exil-Organisationen in Amerika, Europa und in der Türkei kritisiert. Seit Jahrzehnten hielt die uigurische Famile Alptekin von Istanbul aus Kontakt mit ihren Landsleuten in Xinjiang.

Wandlung im Glauben

Die Uiguren verstehen sich heute bewusster als früher als die Erben jener uigurischen Reiche, die vor mehr als tausend Jahren, etwa seit dem 8. nachchristlichen Jahrhundert, am östlichen Rande Mittelasiens bestanden hatten. Sie hatten sich zu jener Zeit bisweilen mit den Tibetern auseinanderzusetzen, die nun heute ein ähnliches politisches Schicksal teilen. In den Turfan-Oasen entwickelten die Uiguren, schon bevor sie Muslime wurden, eine hochentwickelte Schriftkultur, von der später noch andere türkische Reiche, etwa das der Karachaniden von Balasagun und Kaschgar, profitierten.

Die Uiguren waren damals Manichäer, Buddhisten oder auch, zu einem kleineren Teil, nestorianische Christen. Für ihre osttürkische Sprache, die dem Alttürkischen der frühesten Schriftdenkmäler, den türkischen Runen-Stelen aus dem 8. Jahrhundert an den Flüssen Orhon und Jenissej nahesteht, entwickelten sie eine eigene Schrift, die später mit Abwandlungen von den Mongolen übernommen wurde.

Auseinandersetzung mit dem „Reich der Mitte“

Nach der Islamisierung fanden die arabischen Schriftzeichen Verwendung. Im Jahre 1209 hatte sich das letzte uigurische Reich von Chotscho im Turfan-Gebiet den Mongolen unter Dschingis Khan unterstellt, die sich zu ihren umfassenden Eroberungszügen anschickten. In den folgenden Jahrhunderten waren gebildete Uiguren oft als Schreiber für mongolische oder andere Herrscher tätig.

Seit Jahrhunderten bestimmte die Auseinandersetzung mit dem übermächtigen „Reich der Mitte“, zwischenzeitlich auch mit russischem Einfluss, die moderne Geschichte der Uiguren. Russland eroberte jene zwischen dem Kaspischen Meer und Taschkent gelegenen Gebiete, die von den Türken als Westturkestan bezeichnet werden. Aufstände wurden in beiden Regionen teilweise blutig niedergeschlagen. Neben den Uiguren gibt es in China auch Muslime, die keine Türken sind.

Text: F.A.Z.
Bildmaterial: Reuters

Von:http://www.faz.net/s/Rub00FF9A9C12F34E50BC46B4A9D1B2FFB4/Doc~E75266E768AFB48358380EE5AFA9C77AE~ATpl~Ecommon~Scontent.html?gclid=CJq-7uO1nJUCFQ9WMAodEWR9aQ

UYGURISTAN

Uyghurlar türk kavimlerindendir. Doğu Türkistan kance bin senelerdin Uygurların ana weteninin bir parchesidir.Uyghur tarihten u keder genis bir tuprakka sayipmistir. Ularning tupraklari Baykal Gölü’nün güneyindeki Orhun, Selenga ve Tala nehirlerinin baslandigi söz konusu deyildir. Tarihleri Büyük Hun İmparatorluğu ile başlar. Tabgaçlar (386-534) devrinden sonra 5. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında beylik kurdular.

Göktürkler’ in ilk zamanlarında bir kismi Selenga Nehri etrafında oturuyorlardı.7. yüz-
yılın ilk çeyreğinde Sir-Tarduşlar’ın altı kabileden meydana gelen birliğine katıldılar.
Bkü, Tengra, Bayırku ve hep (Uygur) adını aldılar. Beyleri Erkin ünvanı taşıyordu ve
ellibin muharip asker çıkarabiliyorlardı. Göktürkler’ in zayıflamasıyla, kuvvetlendiler.
Erkin yerine (İl-teber) ünvanını kullanmaya başladılar. İl-teber Torultaw Tugla havalisi-
ni alıp, muharipleri güneyde Sari deryaya kadar akın ettiler. Uygurlar akınları netice-
sinde, 646’ da Çin İmparatoru tarafından da tanındılar.

İl-teber Turultaw, kendini (ka- ğan) ilan etti. Uygurlar’ ı Göktürkler tarzında teşkilatlandırdı. Turultaw 648’ de Çin’ in tahriki ile öldürülünce, yerine oğlu Berjan geçti. Berjan, Çinliler’ in On-oklar başına kukla kağan yaptığı Hurili yu mağlup ederek, 656’ da Taşkent, we Hotan yakınlarına kadar ilerle- di.

Uygurlar, Göktürklü Kapağan Kağan (693-716) zamanında Göktürler’ e bağlidı.
Göktürk Hanedanı yıkılınca, bu hanedan, Büyük Türk hakanligı olarak Ötüken’e yerleş-
ti. Uygur hakanları, devleti 11 eyalete ayırdılar. Göktürk hanedanının bir yan dalından
inen Uygur büyük hakanları 14 imparatordur. 2. ve 3.’ leri olan Moyunçur ve Bökü ha-
kanlar, en mühimleridir. Moyunçur, Gök Tanrı dinini bırakıp Mani dinine girdi, bütün
halefleri de bu dinde kaldılar. Hanedan, 745-845 arasında bir asır Büyük Türk Hakanlı-
ğı tahtında kaldı. 840’ dan itibaren Uygurlar, kuzeyden gelen göçebe daha az medeni bir
Türk boyu olan Kırgızlar tarafından bugünkü Moğolistan’ dan göc yapip ata weteni Doğu Türkis
tan’a yerlesti we kisa muddette Karahanlar Emparatorlukini kurdu. Bu Emparaturlukta ulargha baghli Keshkeriye, Iddikut, Kangsu dep atanga döletleri war oldu we 1438 ge yeni Chagatay dölitige keder sürdü..

Uygurlar, büyük-hakanlık tahtını ve Ötüken’ i kaybettikten sonra, bugünkü Doğu
Türkistan’ da, mütevazi sınırlar içinde devletlerini devam ettirdiler. Aynı hanedan, baş-
larında kaldı. Gene kağan titrini taşımakta olan hükümdarlar, diğer Türk boylarını bir-
leştirip emirlerine alamadılar. Bu Uygur devleti, taht şehri olarak 940’ a kadar Turfan’
ın 70 mil doğusunda Koko’ yu, sonra Karahoço’ yu ve yazlık başkent olarak Beşbalık’ı
seçti.Moğol Karahıtaylar’ a, 1209’da Cengiz Han’a tabi oldular. Artık iddialı kağan (ha-
kan) ünvanını bırakmış, “ idikut” krallık ünvanı ile yetiniyorlardı.1260’da Uygur devle-
ti, tarihe karıştı.

İç Asya’ya doğru göçen Uygurların başında Vu-hi Tegin’in kardeşi, Ngu-nie Tegin bulu- nuyordu. Kendisi 13 Uygur kabile birliğinin son “kağan”ı (846-848) kabul edilmektedir. Batıya gelen bu Uygur kolu Tanrı Dağlan, Beş-balık, Turfan taraflarına yerleşerek, 840’da Ordu – balık’ da istilacılar eli ile öldürülen Uygur hakanının yeğeni Mengiryi “kağan” (Ulug Tanrıda kut bulmış Alp Külüg Bilge) seçti (856).

Tibetlilerin hücumuna karşı, nüfuzu altında tutmak istediği bu bölgede kendisine bir dost arayan Çin, bu Uy- gur devletini derhal tanıdı. 873’e doğru “kağan”ın Buku Cin olması muhtemeldir. Tang’ lar ismen de olsa kendilerine bağlı ve siyasetlerine uygun bir tutum içinde bulunan bu Uygur devletinin, meçrü Çin idaresine isyan eden Turfan, Beş-balık askerî valilerini or- tadan kaldırarak Hami’ye kadar hakimiyet kurmalarına şüphesiz müdahale etmiyorlar- dı. Bu suretle siyasî nüfuzu gittikçe artan ve İç-Asya’nın ticaret yolları üzerinde olması ile de iktisaden gelişen Uygur devleti aynı zamanda Maniheizm’ in bölgede yayılmasına vasıta oluyordu.

Nitekim T’ang’ların yıkılışı sırasında Tun-huang askerî bölgesini işgal eden Çinli kumandan, yukarıda bahsettiğimiz muhtar “devlet” ini kurarken “Beyaz elbise giyen Gök-oğlu” lakabını almıştı (Maniheistler beyaz giyiniyorlardı). Fakat, bilin- diği gibi, Kan-çou Uygurları bu muhtar “devlete son vermişler (911), bu tarihten itiba- ren Doğu Türkistan Uygur Devleti de müstakil olmuştu. Bundan sonra, güneyde Tibet, Batı Türkistan’da Karluk bölgesi ile sınırlı ve baçlıca şehirleri Turfan, Kaşgar, Beş-balık, Kuça, Hami olan ülkelerini müdafaa ile iktifa ederek sanat, edebiyat ve ticaret sahasın- da yükselen bu Uygur devleti ile ilgili siyasî hadiseler hakkında fazla bilgi görülmüyor.

Ancak 947’lerde başkentin Koço (Doğu Türkistan’ da Turfan’ m yakınında Kara-khoço=Kao-ç’ang) şehri ve yazlık merkezin de Beş-balık (Pei-ting) olduğu ve “Kün Ay Tanrıda kut bulmış Ulug kut ornanmış, alpın, erdemin il tutmuş Alp Arslan Kutlug Kül Bilge-Tanrı Han”ın devleti idare ettiği biliniyor. 948’de “Kün Ay Tanrıteg küsönçig körtle yaruk-Tanrı Bögü Tenri-ken” in bulunduğu Khoço’ daki bir kitabeden anlaşıl- maktadır. Bu Uygur hükümdarları “Iduk-kut”unvanı ile de anılıyor ve başkentte”Iduk-kut (îdi-kut) şehri” deniyordu.Uygurlar hakkında en ilgi çekici bilgiye, Çin’ deki Kuzey Sung imparatoru tarafından 981’de Kara-khoço’ya elçi olarak gönderilen Wang Yentö- nün seyahat notlarında tesadüf edilmektedir ki, kültür tarihi bakımından büyük değer taşır.

Doğu Türkistan Uygur Devleti’nde, öteki Uygur kolunda olduğu gibi, Budizm çok yayıl- mış, hatta Maniheizm’ den üstün bir mahiyet almış, bunun yanında Nesturi hıristiyanlık ve başlangıçta pek az olmak üzere İslamiyet tesirlerini göstermiştir. Müslüman-Türk Kara-Hanlılar, Kaşgarlı Mahmud’un eserinde (1074) “kafir” diye bahsedilen Uygurlar- la mücadele ediyor ve Uygur memleketinde İslamiyet’ i yaymağa çalışıyorlardı. Sonra İslamiyet Çin’e Uygurlar aracılığı ile girdiği için orada ilk Müslüman Çinlilere Huei-ho (Uygur) denilmiştir. Doğu Türkistan Uygur Devleti 1209’da Cengiz Han’a bağlandığı za- man, başta, o tarihe kadar Kara-Hitaylara tabi durumda olan İdil-kut Barçuk Art-Tegin bulunuyordu.İslam kaynaklarında (Kudame /ölm. 948/, El-Mes’üdî, Gerdîzî, Tamîm b. Bahr, Mervezî, El-îdrîsî /ölm. 1166/) daima “Dokuz-oğuz” (Toquz-guz) diye bahsedilen Uygurların hakimiyeti fiilen sona ermekle beraber, Moğollar tabiiyetinde kalarak Uy- gur hükümdar ailesi Çin’de Ming devrinin başlarına, yani, son Uygur îdi-kut’u Ho-şang, Ming sülalesi kurucusuna teslim oluncaya kadar (1368) devam etmiştir. Ayrıca, Kara-Hitay devletinde olduğu gibi, meşhur devlet adamı Tata-Tonga ve oğulları ile diğer bir- çok Uygur, Cengiz Moğolları devletinde de yüksek idarî vazifeler almış ve başta hayvan-cılık, meyvecilik, dil, yazı olmak üzere Uygur medenî tesirleri Asya’ nın doğusunda ve batısında (bilhassa Karluklar, Kara-Hanlılar yolu ile) asırlarca hissedilmiştir.

Bir kısım soydaşların aşağı yukarı 150 yıldan beri sakin bulunduğu Kan-su bölgesine ge- lerek, buranın merkezi Kan-çou (eski Gu-tsang)’da yerleşen Uygurlar (847), Çin ile, da- ha ziyade ticarî faaliyetler üzerine kurulu iyi münasebetlerini, imparatorların kızları ile Uygur prenslerinin evlendirilmeleri gibi akrabalık bağları ile de sağlamlaştırmışlardır.

Ancak T’ ang sülalesine karşı isyanların arttığı 10. asır başlarında Kan-su Uygurları, bağlı oldukları ve merkezi Tun-huang olan Çin askerî bölgesi ile ilgilerini kestiler: Bura-
da, 905 yılında muhtar bir “devlet” kuran bir asî general “Batı Han’ larının Altın-dağ krallığı” adını verdiği bu devlete Uygur’ları tabi tutmak istemiş, fakat Kan-çou Uygur- ları tarafından gönderilen Tegin adlı kumandanın idaresindeki ordu Tun-huang’ ı kuşa- tarak halkı “kral”ı teslim etmeğe zorlamıştı (911).

Bu hadise üzerine Uygurların batı kolu da istiklal kazanmıştır. 906’da yıkılan T’ ang hanedanının yerine geçen çoğu Şa-t’o (Türk) asıllı “5 sülale” zamanında (906-960) Muahhar (sonraki) Leang (907-923) ile Uy- gurlar pek ilgilenmemişlerdir. 911′ de Tibet elçisi ile birlikte Çin’ e giden Uygur elçisi münasebetiyle “Büyük Uygur devletinin şefi” nden söz edilmesi Tun-huang zaferinden sonra Uygurların siyasî kudretinin arttığını göstermektedir. “5 sülale”nin ikincisi olan Muahhar T’an ailesi (923-936)’nin kurucusu Şa-t’o hükümdarı, o zaman başlarında Jen-mei (“cesur ve doğru”) Ka-gan’ın bulunduğu Uygurlar tarafından samimiyetle karşılan- dı. Jen-mei’den sonra, 924’de Tegin (924-926), sonra A-tu-yu (=”Adrug, seçkin”) ve Jen-yıı hakan oldular. Çeşitli tarihlerde Apa,Kiın,Bars adlı elçiler Çin’e gönderildiler.Çin’de 3. sülale(Muahhar Tsin veya Chin)’yi kuran Şa-t’o hükümdarı (937-946) zamanında, Jen-mei (l.’nin kardeşi) Çin’e Altun adındaki elçisini gönderdi.

Muahhar Han (947-951) ve Muahhar Chou (951-960) aileleri zamanında ise, gerek Kan-çou Uygur Devleti’nden, gerek Batı Uygurlar’dan Çin’e heyetler gitmiştir. Bu ziyaretlerin ticarî ilişkileri geliş- tirmek için yapıldığı tahmin olunuyor. Kan-çou-Tun-huang Uygurları, görüldüğü gibi, büyük bir askerî kudret gösterememişler, bu sebeple de haklarında fazla bilgi mevcut olmamıştır. 10. asrın başından itibaren Mançurya ve Kore kabilelerini toplayarak ku- zeyde bir baskı unsuru halinde beliren ve bilhassa “5 sülale” devrinde Çin’in bazı kısım- larını ele geçiren K’i-tan’lar nihayet bir hanedan (Liao sülalesi. 907-1211) kurarak Ku- zey Çin’de hükümran oldukları zaman, Uygur Devleti de onların (940’dan sonra) ve da- ha sonra, 1028’lerde, Tangutların nüfuzu altına girdi, 1226’da da Cengiz Han Moğolları- nın tahakkümü altına düştü. Kan-çou Uygurları daha o sıralardan beri “San Uygurlar” diye bilinen Türk topluluğudur ki, hala Batı Çin sahasında yaşamaktadırlar. Ancak bugün sayıları 20 milyonu aşan bu Türk toplulukları, Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti, Sincan Özerk Uygur Bölgesi’nde, ağır insan hakları ihlâlleri altında yaşamaktadırlar.

Uygur edebiyatı, taş üzerine kazılmış birçok yazıtla başlar.
Taryat Yazıtı: Üç parça halindeki yazıtın bir parçası 1957’de, diğer ikisi 1970 yılında Moğolistan Halk Cumhuriyeti’ nde Taryat yöresinde bulundu. İkinci Uygur kağanı Moyunçur bu yazıtı 753’ de diktirmiştir. Yazıt askersel başarılardan söz etmektedir. Şine Usu Yazıtı: 1909 G. J. Ramstedt tarafından Şine Usu gölü yakınlarında bulundu. Üzerinde 51 satırlık Türkçe metin vardır. Uygur kağanı Moyunçur’ un mezar yazıtıdır. Kara Balgasun Yazıtı: Moğolistan’daki Karakurum (Kara Balgasun)kentinde bulunan yazıt Türkçe,Çince ve Sogdca dillerinde yazılıdır. Yazıtın çeşitli parçaları 1889’ da N. M. Yadrintsev, 1890’ da A. Heikel ve 1891’ de W. Radloff tarafından bulundu. 808-821 yılları arasında tahtta bulu-nan dokuzuncu Uygur kağanı, yazıtta bir Türk hükümda- rı olarak nitelenmektedir.Yazıtta, Maniciliğin kabulüne ilişkin bölüm özellikle önemli- dir. Bu yazıtların dışında Hoytu Tanmir ve Gurbalcin yazıtlarının da Uygurlar’ ın elinden çıktığı sanılmaktadır. Uygurlar, Maniciliğin kabulünden sonra dini eserleri Sogdca yazmaya başladılar. Uygur edebiyatı, en parlak dönemini 840’ dan sonra, Uygurlar’ ın Turfan vadisi ve Kansu’ ya yerleşmeleriyle yaşadı. Uygurlar bu bölgelerde Manicilik, Hıristiyanlık ve Budacılık inanışlarına dayalı zengin bir edebiyat yarattılar. Yüzyıllarca toprak altında ve yıkıntılar arasında kalmış olan kağıtların çok azı günümüze ulaştı.Manici Uygur Edebiyatı, Bogu Kağan’ın 762’ de Maniciliği kabul edip, Sogdca dinsel metinlerin Uygurca’ya çevrilme-siyle başladı. Şiir türünde yazılmış dua ve ilahilerde mısra sonu ve mısra sonlarında uyaklar kullanıldı. Günümüze ulaşan metinler arasında Manici Uygurlar’ ın mektupları da bulunmaktadır. Hıristiyan Uygur Edebiyatı, Turfan’ın kuzeyinde yapılan araştırmalarda Hıristiyanlıkla ilgili metinlerin bulunması, burada Hıristiyan bir Uygur topluluğunun yaşamış olduğunu göstermektedir.Bu metinlerin sayısı çok az olup değişik konularıyla dikkat çekmektedir.
Uygur alfabesi üç sesli, biri sesli de olabilen onbeş sessiz harften meydana geliyordu.
Uygur yazısı, önceleri sağdan sola yazılırken, sonraları yukarıdan aşağıya doğru yazıl- maya başlandı. Uygur harfleri, İslam harflerinin 15. yy.’ da kabulüne kadar bütünüyle,
18. yy.’ a kadar Uygurlar’ ın bulundukları bölgede kısmen kullanılmıştır.

Uygurlar’ ın oluşturdukları kültür ve uygarlık Milattan önceki yüzyıllara uzanır.Uy-
gur adının ilk geçtiği metin MÖ 176’ ya ait bir Çin belgesidir. Bu belgede Işık Göl ile Al-
tınyış arasındaki bir Uygur devletinden söz edilmektedir.5. yy’da Uygurlar göçebe yaşa- mı terk edip, yerleşik bir düzen kurmaya başladılar. Bu tarihten sonra Çin’ in desteği ile
bağımsızlıklarını sürdüren Uygurlar güçlü bir uygarlık kurdular.
Mimarlık: Tengrilik adı verilen tapınaklar, surlar içinde merdivenle çıkılan yüksek bir set ve setler üzerindeki kurban yerinden oluşmaktaydı.Kentçiliğe büyük önem veren
Uygurlar, surlarla çevrili mahalleler (balık) oluşturdular. Kağan ve yöneticilere ait dört
köşe planda surlarla çevrili kalelere Ordu adı verilmekteydi. Kale ikinci bir surla çevri-
lirse buna ikinci Ordubalık denirdi. Ordubalık’ lar giderek bir başkent özelliği kazandı- lar ve dış mahallelerle genişlediler.

Heykel, resim ve kitap sanatları:Bu sanatlarda ele alınan çoğunlukla Buda tasvirleriydi. Ayrıca körk adı verilen portreler, Uygur resminde önemli bir yer tutmaktadır. Varlıklı erkek ve kadınların körklerini yaptırmaları gelenekleşmişti. Uygurlar’ ın yaşadığı böl-
gede taş az olduğundan heykeller, toprak karışımları, özelliklede balçıktan yapılıyordu.
Heykellere biçim verildikten sonra da boyanıyordu. Kitap resminin Uygurlar’ da önem kazanması, Maniciliğin benimsenmesiyle oldu. Bu dinle resimlenmiş dini kitaplar büyük önem taşıyordu.Sogd yazısından alınan Uygur yazısıyla yazı sanatı büyük gelişme gös-
terdi. Çin’ den kağıt yapımını öğrenen Uygurlar, kitapları tomar biçiminde ya da ciltli olarak hazırlıyorlardı.

Maden Sanatları: Uygurlar çok eski devirlerden beri yaptıkları kılıçlarla ün saldılar. Uy-
gurlar bozkır sanatının bir devamı olarak madeni heykeller de yaptılar. Altın ve gümüş
kaplar Çin’e ihraç ediliyordu.Uygurlar halı ve kumaş yapımı gibi dokuma sanatlarında
da olgun bir düzeye ulaşmışlardı.

Menbe:http://www.cellotin.com/forum/tarih/uygur_devleti-t741.0.html

The Relation of the Hui Muslims with the Tibetans and Uighurs, 1996
Alexander Berzin
November 1996

The Uighurs
The two major Islamic minorities in the People’s Republic of China are the Uighurs and the Hui. Both follow the Sunna form of Islam, mixed with several schools of Central Asian Sufism. The Uighurs are a Turkic people who came originally from the Altai Mountain region north of western Mongolia. After ruling Mongolia from the early eighth to the mid-ninth centuries CE, they migrated to East Turkistan (Chin.: Xinjiang). They have been the predominant ethnic group of the region ever since and speak their own Turkic language. The Uighurs, however, are not a unified people. As in the past, they identify primarily with their oasis cities. The term “Uighur” to refer to all of them has, in fact, only been used since the late nineteenth century to unify their resistance against the Manchu Qing Dynasty.

As a whole, the Uighurs are a relaxed gentle people who, like the Tibetans, do not have a Protestant work ethic. They do not see work as a virtue in itself and also value enjoying life. Their level of knowledge and practice of Islam is fairly low, and the style of their mosques and customs are Central Asian. Those in the central and northern parts of Xinjiang have now become strongly Sinified. Mostly only the old people go to the mosques, which are not kept in good condition. Islam is stronger among the Uighurs in southern Xinjiang where there has been a relatively small Han presence. It is practiced there in a more traditional form than among the Hui.

The Hui
The Hui are from divers ethnic origins, primarily Arab, Persian, Central Asian, and Mongol, and live throughout China. They came originally as merchants and conscripted soldiers, starting in the mid-seventh century. In the mid-fourteenth century, they were forced to intermarry with Han Chinese. Consequently, they speak Chinese and their customs and mosques are all Chinese style. The other Muslim minorities of China have traditionally been highly critical of the Hui’s adaptation of Islamic practices to Han ways of life.

In general, the Hui lack the Middle Eastern/Central Asian relaxed attitude towards life and share the Chinese aggressive ambition for trade and money. Like the Tibetans, many carry knives and are fast to use them. They divide into two major groups. The Western Hui live in Ningxia, southern Gansu, and eastern Qinghai, bordering Amdo (northeastern Tibet); while the Eastern Hui are spread throughout northern China and eastern Inner Mongolia.

The Western Hui
Among the Western Hui, Islam is relatively strong as a unifying force and continues to grow. Both young and old go to the mosques, which function as a social meeting-place for exchanging information. These mosques are much wealthier and kept much cleaner than their Uighur counterparts. Despite the presence of Islamic schools in the Hui cultural capital, Lingxia, teaching mostly the traditional Sufi sects, with even some meditation masters, the vast majority of Western Hui know hardly anything deep about Islam.

The Western Hui seem to succumb less to the present pressures of Sinification than the Uighurs, perhaps because they are already so Sinified and speak exclusively Chinese. For example, only those Uighur women who live in remote villages in southern Xinjiang wear scarves on their heads, whereas Western Hui women wear them even in Han Chinese dominated cities.

The Eastern Hui
The Eastern Hui are less traditional than the Western Hui. Although approximately eighty per cent, both young and old, are believers in Islam, few come to prayers. The Eastern Hui still slaughter their animals according to the “halal” procedures and do not eat pork. Many, however, smoke and drink alcohol, which is against the Quran. Some observe the Ramadan fast, but very few of the men are circumcised and the women do not wear headscarves.

Privileged Position of the Hui
The Hui have enjoyed more privileges in the People’s Republic of China than other non-Han minorities, primarily because they have been diplomatic and cooperated greatly. Take the example of Ma Pufung, the powerful Hui warlord of Qinghai, Gansu, and Ningxia in the late 1930s and 40s with whom the Tibetans had to negotiate in order to bring the baby Fourteenth Dalai Lama from his birthplace there to Lhasa. In the late 1940s, he allied with the communist Han Chinese forces and unified the regions under his control with theirs. Some Hui are still bitter over this, since he favored the division of the Hui among themselves and unification with the Han over unity of the Hui. Consequently, there are still many regional divisions among the Hui, with local mafia allegiances as during the warlord era. Because of this cooperation and the diplomatic espousal of both Maoism and Islam, plus pressure on China from Middle Eastern countries for respect of Islam in exchange for trade privileges, there has been a large proliferation of new mosques. These have been built primarily by the Hui, not the Uighurs.

Hui Migration
For centuries, the Hui have been spreading out and settling throughout China, primarily as merchants. Even during the Mongol Yuan dynasty, Muslims accompanied the Mongol tribute missions to Beijing in order to conduct trade. The Uighurs and Tibetan Muslims, by contrast, have remained isolated in their homelands. This difference is perhaps due to the Hui being descended from merchants and mercenary soldiers, whereas both the Uighur and Tibetan Muslims came to their present locations as refugees driven out of their homelands in Mongolia and Kashmir respectively. Thus, the present migration of Muslim merchants to Central Tibet is nothing new in Hui history. They are not being forcefully relocated to Tibet by the Han Chinese authorities, but are moving on their own initiative for a business motive.

Western Hui have been moving not only into Tibet, but also all over Gansu and Xinjiang as the pioneers for Han Chinese settlement. They open restaurants and shops along all the roads, and as soon as there are a small number of them in any locality, they build a mosque – usually as a social gathering place to keep their communities together, rather than because of religious zeal. Not only do the Tibetans resent the Hui immigration; but so do the Uighurs. Although the Han Chinese army and bureaucracy have moved in first, Han traders and businessmen, lacking the pioneering spirit of the Hui, have only followed in their footsteps.

Contrast between the Tibetan and Hui Mentalities
Many Tibetans still have a nomadic mentality, with a fierce desire for independence, especially freedom of movement. In general, they dislike routine work. Even if they have shops, many will run them only seasonally, frequently closing them for long holidays, pilgrimages, picnics, and so on. Even in India, many Tibetans seasonally migrate to the Indian cities to sell sweaters, go on pilgrimage, attend Buddhist discourses, and only work part of the year. By contrast, the Hui, as well as the Han, are interested only in money and business, and they stay put in their shops and street stalls from 6 AM to 10 PM year-round without moving.

The Hui, being very ingenious as well as industrious, have taken over the manufacture and sale of traditional Tibetan goods, and the Tibetans cannot, and do not even seem to want to compete. The Hui are making Tibetan-style jewelry, rosaries, and other religious paraphernalia, equipment for horses, knives, wool, carpets, musical instruments, shoes and noodles, as well as running the ubiquitous restaurants. The Han merchants come only later and sell mostly modern Chinese manufactured goods like toothbrushes and cheap Chinese clothing.

Tibetan and Uighur Autonomy Movements
The Tibetans and Uighurs see the Hui immigrants, more than the Han, as a greater threat to their cultures. As the Hui and Uighurs share Islam in common, it is evident that the tension does not arise from religious grounds, but from economic competition. The Han Chinese seem to encourage this tension, so as to use it to justify their military occupation to keep the peace and prevent another Bosnia.

Thus, the Tibetan and Uighur movements for true autonomy or even independence have nothing to do with Buddhist or Islamic fundamentalism. They arise from the shared wish to preserve their cultures, religions, and languages from being overwhelmed and marginalized by the policies of the People’s Republic of China and by the waves of Han and Hui settlers. The Hui, on the other hand, do not hold similar aspirations, as they share so much in common with the Han Chinese and have never had an independent state.

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Back ^Top of Page Home
Page Contents
The Uighurs
The Hui
The Western Hui
The Eastern Hui
Privileged Position of the Hui
Hui Migration
Contrast between the Tibetan and Hui Mentalities
Tibetan and Uighur Autonomy Movements
http://www.berzinarchives.com/web/en/archives/e-books/unpublished_manuscripts/historical_interaction/pt2/history_cultures_12.html
From:

The Historical Interaction between the Buddhist and Islamic Cultures before the Mongol Empire
Alexander Berzin, 1996

lightly revised, January 2003, December 2006
Part I: The Umayyad Caliphate (661 – 750 CE)
6 Further Umayyad Expansion in West Turkistan
The remainder of the Umayyad period over the ensuing years of the first half of the eighth century saw a bewildering frequent change of alliances as even more powers entered the fray for control of West Turkistan and the Silk Route. Through a review of the main events, it will become obvious that the Umayyad Arabs were not fanatic religious extremists campaigning to spread Islam to a sea of infidels, but merely one of many ambitious peoples fighting for political and economic gain. All the powers, including the Umayyads, made and broke alliances continually, not based on religion, but on pragmatic, military grounds.

The Shifting of Alliances and Control of Territories
By the middle of Umar II’s reign (r. 717 – 724), the Umayyads controlled Bactria and the cities of Bukhara, Samarkand, and Ferghana in Sogdia. The Tibetans were their allies. The Turgish Turks held the rest of Sogdia, particularly Tashkent, as well as Kashgar and Kucha in the western Tarim Basin. The Tang Chinese forces were in Turfan at the eastern end of the Tarim Basin and in Beshbaliq across the Tianshan Mountains to Turfan’s north. The Eastern Turks held the rest of West Turkistan north of Sogdia, including Suyab, while the Tibetans maintained a presence along the southern Tarim route. A Tang sympathizer, however, was on the throne of Khotan. The Turki Shahis were confined to Gandhara. Except for the Umayyad Arabs, all the other power brokers in Central Asia were supporters of Buddhism to varying degrees. This seems, however, to have had no influence on the events that followed.

[ View Map Ten: Central Asia, Approximately 720 CE.]

Taking advantage of the death of the Umayyad General Qutaiba, the Tang forces were the first to move. Setting out from their stronghold in Turfan and crossing East Turkistan north of the Tianshan Mountains, they took Kucha and Kashgar from the Turgish, attacking from the rear. Crossing the farwestern flank of the Tianshan into West Turkistan, they then captured Suyab from the Eastern Turks, Ferghana from the Umayyads, and Tashkent also from the Turgish.

At this point, the Turgish reorganized themselves under a different leader and a new group of Turks emerged on the scene, the Qarluqs (Kharlukh, Tib. Gar-log) in Dzungaria, who were also patrons of Buddhism. The Qarluqs replaced the Eastern Turks in the territory of northern West Turkistan beyond Tang-held Suyab and allied themselves with the Han Chinese. The Turgish, in turn, joined the Arab-Tibetan alliance. The Turgish then recaptured their homeland of Suyab and the Umayyads, in turn, took back Ferghana. Tashkent became temporarily independent. The Tang forces were left holding only Kashgar and Kucha.

[ View Map Eleven: Central Asia, Approximately 725 CE.]

The Reassertion of Umayyad Rule in Sindh
In 724, the new Umayyad caliph, Hashim (r. 724 – 743), sent General Junaid south to reassert control over Sindh. The Arab-led forces succeeded in Sindh, but failed in their attempt to take Gujarat and West Punjab. As Governor of Sindh, General Junaid continued the previous Umayyad policy of exacting both a poll tax on the Hindus and Buddhists as well as a tax on pilgrims to the holy sites of both these religions.

Although the Hindu Pratihara rulers in West Punjab had the strength to drive the Umayyad forces from Sindh, they refrained from such action. The Muslims had threatened to destroy the major Hindu shrines and images if the Pratiharas attacked, and the latter considered the preservation of their holy places more important than regaining control over traditional territory. This is further indication that the Umayyad Arabs regarded the destruction of non-Muslim religious sites as primarily acts of power politics.

Umayyad Loss and Regaining of Sogdia
Meanwhile, with their confidence boosted by the return of their homeland in Suyab, the Turgish ended their short-term alliance with the Umayyads. Taking advantage of the deployment in Sindh of the major part of the Arab forces, the Turgish turned on the Umayyads, expelling them from Ferghana and nearby areas in Sogdia. The Tibetans followed the Turgish lead and also switched sides. The new Turgish-Tibetan alliance then turned on the Umayyads and, by 729, drove them from most of the rest of Sogdia and Bactria. The Arabs were left holding only Samarkand.

The Umayyads then allied themselves temporarily with Tang China to counter the powerful Turgish-Tibetan alliance. They defeated the Turgish at Suyab in 736. With the death of their king two years later, the Turgish tribes broke up and became very weak. The Han Chinese kept Suyab and continued their wars against the Tibetans, while the Umayyads moved back into Bactria and the rest of Sogdia. This prompted the Tibetans to reactivate their traditional alliance with the Turki Shahis by a visit of the Tibetan emperor to Kabul in 739 to celebrate a marriage alliance between Kabul and Khotan.

The Tang court now began a policy of supporting dissidents in the Umayyad-held cities of Sogdia. At one point, they even swept down from Suyab and pillaged Tashkent, which previously they had briefly held. Sino-Arab relations became strained. The conflict, however, was not based on religious grounds, but was purely politically motivated. Let us examine it more closely.

[ View Map Twelve: Central Asia, Approximately 740 CE.]

Analysis of the Tang Attacks on Umayyad-Held Sogdia
By exploring some of the policies of Xuanzong, the Tang Chinese emperor at this time, we can understand even more clearly that the late Umayyads were not aggressively seeking converts to Islam and that the Tang Emperor’s support of anti-Umayyad dissidents in Sogdia was not due to a Buddhist antipathy toward Islam.

Two events set the stage for the Emperor’s policies. Firstly, when Xuanzong’s grandmother, Empress Wu, had overthrown the Tang Dynasty by appealing to Buddhist millenarianism, she had exempted all Buddhist monks from taxes in order to win their support. Secondly, soon after the Emperor had ascended the throne, many Sogdians who had settled in Mongolia flocked to Han China. The Emperor’s responses to these two developments eventually led to his actions in Sogdia.

The Invitation of Sogdians to Mongolia and Their Subsequent Eviction
Although there had been Sogdian merchants along the Silk Route and in Han China for centuries before, a large influx of Sogdian immigrants came to the area in the mid-sixth century. Their influx was due to the religious suppressions of the Iranian Sassanid emperor, Xusrau I (r. 531 – 578). During the First Eastern Turk Empire (553 – 630), these Sogdians held a favored position with the Eastern Turks. Many were invited to Mongolia from their community in Turfan and were instrumental in translating Buddhist texts into the Old Turk language. The government used the Sogdian language and script for its financial business. During the course of the Second Eastern Turk Period (682 – 744), however, the powerful minister, Tonyuquq, steered its rulers on an anti-Buddhist course.

Tonyuquq blamed the Tang defeat of the First Eastern Turk Dynasty on the negative influence of Buddhism on the Turks. Buddhism taught gentleness and nonviolence, which robbed the Turks of their martial spirit. He called for a return to the traditional pan-Turkic cult of the nomadic warrior, wishing to use its strong ethos to unite all Turkic tribes behind him and fight the Han Chinese.

The Eastern Turks were the holders of Otukan (Turk. Ötukän), the Mongolian mountain sacred to all Turks according to their pre-Buddhist Tengrian and shamanist religions. Tonyuquq argued that the rulers he served were therefore morally obliged to uphold Turkic culture and values. Associating the Sogdians with Buddhism and the Han Chinese, he influenced Qapaghan Qaghan (r. 692 – 716) to drop the use of Sogdian and, for administrative purposes, employ instead the Old Turk language written in a Runic-style script. As the Sogdian population of Mongolia became increasingly unwelcome, they emigrated en masse to northern China in 713, settling particularly in Chang’an (Ch’ang-an) and Loyang (Lo-yang), the terminus cities of the Silk Route.

[ View Map Thirteen: Sogdian Migrations.]

The Manichaean Factor
The Sogdian community in Mongolia had not been exclusively Buddhist. The majority, in fact, followed Manichaeism. This Iranian religion, founded in Babylon by Mani (217 – 276 CE), was an eclectic faith that adopted many features of the local beliefs that it encountered as it spread. It had two major forms — a western one in Asia Minor that accorded with Zoroastrianism and Christianity, and a later eastern one along the Silk Route that adopted strong Buddhist elements. Syriac and then Parthian were the official languages of the former, while Sogdian played a similar role for the latter.

Manichaeism had a strong missionary movement and the Sogdian followers of its eastern form, once in Han China, claimed it to be a form of Buddhism in order to win converts. They introduced it in this fashion to Empress Wu at the Chinese imperial court in 694 and, after their emigration from Mongolia, reintroduced it to the court in 719. This was after the Buddhist millenarian usurpation by the Empress had been overthrown and Tang rule restabilized. In 736, however, Emperor Xuanzong passed a decree forbidding Han Chinese from following Manichaeism and restricting the religion to non-Han subjects and foreigners. The reason given was that Manichaeism was a shallow imitation of Buddhism and was being spread as an imposter faith on the basis of a lie.

The Tang Emperor, however, was not sympathetic to Buddhism, and this criticism was not because of his wish to uphold the pure Buddhist teachings by cleansing it of heresy. There were many Han Chinese who were dissatisfied with the Emperor’s ambitious Central Asian campaigns because of the consequently high demand on them for taxes and military service. Xuanzong would have undoubtedly wished to avoid having a foreign, quasi-Buddhist religion available for Han Chinese that could act as a rallying point for focusing their dissent and possible rebellion.

The Emperor’s grandmother had deposed the Tang line by appealing to the cult of Maitreya Buddha. Since in Sogdian texts, Mani was frequently identified with Maitreya, and his grandmother had been favorably disposed toward Manichaeism, fears of a similar millenarian rebellion directed at him undoubtedly prompted the Emperor’s move against the Iranian religion.

Of the three religions of the Sogdian merchants in Han China — Manichaeism, Nestorian Christianity, and Buddhism — the first was by far the most aggressively oriented toward gaining converts. Several decades earlier, Arab and Iranian Muslim merchants had also started traveling to Han China. They came primarily by sea, not overland via the Silk Route, and settled in the coastal cities of southeastern China. A Muslim teacher, Sa’ad bin Ali wa Qas (d. 681), had even come with them. Yet, Xuanzong never issued a similar edict banning Han Chinese from following Islam. In fact, no subsequent Chinese emperor, Buddhist or otherwise, ever did either. They always followed a policy of religious tolerance toward Islam. This indicates that even if the first Muslims in Han China were involved in trying to spread their religion, this was not a major effort and never seen as a threat.

The Expulsion of Non-Han Buddhist Monastics from Tang China
As the years passed, the Tang Government became increasingly in need of funds to finance the Emperor’s ever more extensive campaigns in Central Asia. The tax-exempt status of the Buddhist monasteries from the time of Empress Wu’s usurpation seriously limited government income. Therefore, in 740, Xuanzong turned his support even more strongly toward Taoism, reimposed taxes on the Buddhist monasteries, and severely restricted the number of Han Chinese monks and nuns in his realm. He also expelled all non-Han Buddhist monastics as an unnecessary financial drain on the public.

Xuanzong’s support of anti-Umayyad dissidents in Sogdia, then, was clearly politically and economically motivated and had nothing to do with Islamic-Buddhist relations. The Emperor was not even a Buddhist and his deportation of Sogdian monks from Han China was certainly not a move to send them back to Sogdia to strengthen an anti-Islamic movement among Sogdian Buddhists. He expelled monks of other non-Han nationalities as well, not only Sogdians. Tang China was solely interested in gaining more territory in Central Asia at the expense of the Umayyads and controlling more of the lucrative Silk Route trade.

Final Events of the Umayyad Period
The last major event of the Umayyad period significant for future relations between Islam and Buddhism in Central Asia occurred in 744. The Uighur (Uyghur) Turks lived originally in the mountains of northwestern Mongolia, with some of their tribes wandering as far as the Tocharian-ruled Turfan region to the south and the Lake Baikal area of Siberia to the northeast. They were traditional allies of the Han Chinese against the Eastern Turks who controlled the Mongolian areas sandwiched between them.

[ View Map Fourteen: Turkic Tribes, End of the Umayyad Period.]

In 605, as the first Han Chinese move into the Tarim Basin in more than four centuries, the Sui Chinese emperor, Wendi (Wen-ti), had helped the Uighurs conquer Turfan, the center of Old Turk Buddhism. The Uighurs quickly adopted the Buddhist faith, especially in light of Wendi having declaring himself a Buddhist universal emperor. In 629, one of the first Uighur princes took the Buddhist name “Bodhisattva,” a title also used by Eastern Turk religious rulers. In the 630s, Tang China took Turfan from the Uighurs, but the latter still helped the Han Chinese put an end to the First Eastern Turk Dynasty shortly thereafter.

A half century later, the Second Eastern Turk Dynasty conquered the Uighur homeland with its aggressively pan-Turkic military policy. However, in 716, shortly after the Sogdians had fled Mongolia, the Uighurs won their independence. Subsequently, they continued to help their Han Chinese allies harass the Eastern Turks. Now, in 744, with the help of the Qarluqs in Dzungaria and northern West Turkistan, the Uighurs attacked and defeated the Eastern Turks and established their own Orkhon Empire in Mongolia.

The Oghuz tribe of Eastern Turks, known as the Turks of White Dress, migrated at this point from modern-day Inner Mongolia to the northeastern corner of Sogdia, near Ferghana. They soon played an important role in the complicated developments in Sogdia at the beginning of the Abbasid period. Furthermore, once in power, the Uighurs frequently fought with their vassals, the Qarluqs. The Uighurs and Qarluqs now inherited the roles of rival leaders of the eastern and western branches of the Turkic tribes. The Uighurs were in the ascendency, however, since they controlled Otukan, the Turks’ sacred mountain in central Mongolia near the Orkhon capital, Ordubaliq. The rivalry of these two Turkic people also set the stage for future developments.

Thus, the Umayyad era ended in 750 with the Arabs having lost and regained Bactria and Sogdia yet again. Their hold on the region was still precarious and their relations with the Buddhists, both among their subjects and their everchanging allies and enemies, was still mostly based on political, military, and economic expediencies as before.

Previous Chapter 5 Book Contents Next Chapter 7
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Back ^Top of Page Home
Page Contents
The Shifting of Alliances and Control of Territories
The Reassertion of Umayyad Rule in Sindh
Umayyad Loss and Regaining of Sogdia
Analysis of the Tang Attacks on Umayyad-Held Sogdia
The Invitation of Sogdians to Mongolia and Their Subsequent Eviction
The Manichaean Factor
The Expulsion of Non-Han Buddhist Monastics from Tang China
Final Events of the Umayyad Period

Three dead as unrest flares in China’s restive Uyghuristan

BEIJING (AFP) – Three security officers were killed in China’s remote northwest on Tuesday, state media reported, raising the death toll from over a week of unrest there that has flared during the Olympics to 31.

Assailants jumped off a vehicle passing through a checkpoint in the Xinjiang region and stabbed four security officers, killing three of them and injuring the other, the Xinhua news agency reported.

The attack was the third in eight days in Xinjiang, a vast desert region bordering central Asia that is experiencing its biggest spike in violence in years.

Analysts attribute the surge to separatists from Xinjiang’s repressed Muslim Uighur ethnic minority who are seeking to raise publicity for their cause while world attention is on China for the Beijing Olympics, which began last week.

China has also repeatedly warned that “terrorists” from Xinjiang are trying to sabotage the Games, but insisted massive security across the country will ensure there is no direct attack on the Olympics.

Xinhua said Tuesday’s killings happened in Yamanya town, about 30 kilometres (19 miles) from Kashgar, one of Xinjiang’s major cities where 16 policemen were murdered in the first attack on August 4.

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China said terrorists seeking holy war carried out that attack, in which two assailants who were later captured drove a truck at a group of policemen, then attacked the officers with machetes and explosives.

The next flashpoint in Xinjiang was the city of Kuqa, where assailants using home-made bombs targetted police and government offices, as well as public buildings, on Sunday.

One security guard was killed and 11 attackers died in those bombings and ensuing clashes with police, according to Xinhua.

Dilxat Raxit, spokesman of the German-based World Uighur Congress, said authorities in Kuqa had since detained over 90 innocent Uighurs.

“This includes women,” he wrote in an email, quoting local Uighurs he had talked to by telephone. “They have also been mass detentions in adjacent areas.”

It has proved extremely difficult to obtain independent information about recent events in Xinjiang, with the official Chinese account coming out through Xinhua and local authorities generally refusing to talk to foreign press.

Police and other authorities there refused to comment to AFP about Tuesday’s incident.

“It’s not convenient for us to talk about this right now,” a police officer in Kashgar told AFP.

It was not immediately clear how many people were involved in Tuesday’s attack, according to Xinhua, which said the assailants remained at large.

Xinhua did not specify what organisation the security staff killed in the attack belonged to.

Xinjiang has about 18.3 million ethnic Muslim Uighurs, a Turkic-speaking people many of whom express anger at what they say have been decades of repressive Communist Chinese rule.

The Uighurs established two short-lived East Turkestan republics in Xinjang in the 1930s and 1940s, when Chinese central government control was weakened by civil war and Japanese invasion.

Tensions have simmered over the decades but experts say such deadly attacks such as those over the past week have not been seen since the late 1990s.

From:http://asia.news.yahoo.com/080812/afp/080812112626asiapacificnews.html

Renewed Violence in Eastturkistan/West China


Three security staff have been stabbed to death in China’s Uyghuristan/ Xinjiang region, the third attack there in eight days. Three security staff have been stabbed to death in China’s Uyghuristan region, the third attack in eight days there.

Assailants killed the men at a checkpoint near the city of Kashgar, Chinese state media said. Assailants killed the men at a checkpoint near the city of Kashgar, Chinese state media said.

Sixteen police officers were killed in an attack in Kashgar earlier this month, but state media said there was no evidence linking the two attacks. Sixteen police officers were killed in an attack in Kashgar earlier this month, but state media said there was no evidence linking the two attacks.

Uyghuristan/Xinjiang is home to many Muslim Uighurs, some of whom want independence in the region they call East Turkestan. Uyghuristan/Xinjiang is home to many Muslim Uighurs, some of whom want independence in the region they call Uyghuristan/East Turkestan.

There has been a rise in violent incidents in Eastturkistan/Xinjiang in recent months, which China has blamed on separatists seeking to disrupt the Olympic Games. There has been a rise in violent incidents in Uyghuristan/Xinjiang in recent months, which China has blamed on separatists seeking to disrupt the Olympic Games.

Suspected Muslim separatists also launched a series of bomb attacks in Kuqa, in southern Uyghutristan/Xinjiang, on Sunday, which left 11 dead. Suspected Muslim separatists also launched a series of bomb attacks in Kuqa, in southern Uyghuristan/Xinjiang, on Sunday, which left 11 dead.

Arrest report Arrest Report

Tuesday’s attack happened at a checkpoint about 30 km (18 miles) from the border city of Kashgar. Tuesday’s attack happened at a checkpoint about 30 km (18 miles) from the border city of Kashgar.

Attackers – it is not clear how many – jumped out of a passing vehicle and stabbed the men to death. Attackers – it is not clear how many – jumped out of a passing vehicle and the men stabbed to death. Three men died and a fourth was injured, Xinhua news agency said. Three men died and a fourth was injured, Xinhua news agency said.

News of the attack emerged hours after Chinese state media announced that the situation in Kuqa, scene of Sunday’s attacks, had returned to normal. News of the attack emerged hours after Chinese state media announced that the situation in Kuqa, scene of Sunday’s attacks, had returned to normal.

Q&A: China and the Uighurs Q & A: China and the Uighurs

Early on Sunday, a string of explosions took place in supermarkets, hotels and government buildings across the city. Early on Sunday, a string of explosions took place in supermarkets, hotels and government buildings across the city.

One security guard died, two attackers blew themselves up and eight were shot by police, Xinhua said. One security guard died, two attackers blew themselves up and eight were shot by police, Xinhua said.

A Uighur activist has accused Chinese authorities of arresting dozens of people in the wake of the blasts. A Uighur activist has accused Chinese authorities of arresting dozens of people in the wake of the blasts.

Dilxat Raxit, of the pro-independence World Uighur Congress, said more than 90 people had been arrested in Kuqa, as well as others in nearby counties. Dilxat Raxit, of the pro-independence World Uighur Congress, said more than 90 people had been arrested in Kuqa, as well as others in nearby counties.

Local people had heard the sound of detainees being beaten and tortured, he said in a statement. Local people had heard the sound of detainees being beaten and tortured, he said in a statement.

He urged the international community to put pressure on China to end “inhumane crimes against ethnic Uighurs”. He urged the international community to put pressure on China to end “inhumane crimes against ethnic Uighurs.”

But the Kuqa local government said that Mr Raxit’s allegations were untrue. But the Kuqa local government said that Mr Raxit’s allegations were untrue.

Xinjiang is home to more than eight million Uighurs. Xinjiang is home to more than eight million Uighurs.

China says it is bringing development and prosperity to the region, but activists accuse Beijing of suppressing traditional Uighur culture and religion. China says it is bringing development and prosperity to the region, but activists accuse Beijing of suppressing traditional Uighur culture and religion.
From:http://66.102.9.104/translate_c?hl=de&sl=de&tl=en&u=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7555831.stm&usg=ALkJrhglDWqXIYeymcZjAJ9hzhyfiBFGNg

A muszlim szeparatizmus és az olimpia
5 hozzászólás 2008. augusztus 06. 14:18 Utolsó módosítás:2008. augusztus 06. 14:45
küldés
nyomtatás
betűméret

A pekingi olimpia megnyitása előtt ujgur szeparatisták Kelet-Turkesztánban 16 kínai rendőrt megöltek. A kinai hatóságok – minden óvintézkedés ellenére – nem tartják kizártnak, hogy ujgur szélsőségesek újabb merényletekkel próbálkoznak majd az olimpia idején. Dobrovits Mihály történészt turkulógust, a Miskolci Egyetem történeti intézetének adjunktusát kérdeztük az iszlám szeparatizmus gyökereiről.


A Hszincsiang-Ujgur Autonóm Terület
© http://www.amnesty.org
hvg: Mit kell tudni a Kínában élő iszlám kisebbségről?

Dobrovits Mihály: Tény, hogy az utóbbi húsz-huszonöt évben gyakran került sor hasonló fegyveres akciókra, kínaiak és ujgurok között. Egyes források szerint a térségben már-már polgárháborús helyzet alakult ki. Lényegében a kínai állam áll szemben egy hatalmas határtartomány őslakosságával. A terület 1759 után, a mandzsu császári dinasztia uralkodásával került kínai fennhatóság alá. Amikor 1912-ben megdöntötték a császárságot, a Kínai Köztársaság az egész Mandzsu birodalmat átvette, összes peremtartományával, Mandzsúriával, Mongóliával, Kelet-Turkesztánnal (a mai Hszincsianggal) és Tibettel együtt. Ezekben a tartományokban nyomban felerősödtek az elszakadási törekvések. De a függetlenséget csak Külső-Mongólia, a mai mongol állam volt képes elérni, Belső-Mongólia ma is Kínához tartozik.

A történelmi hagyomány szerint az iszlám vallás 651-ben, tehát igen korán elérte Kínát. De a muszlim népesség mindig kisebbséget alkotott. Legnagyobb csoportjuk a mintegy 9,8 millió hui (muszlim kínai) akik egymagukban a kínai muszlim népesség 48 százalékát teszik ki. Őket követik az ujgurok (8,4 millió), a kazahok (1,25 millió). Nyugaton, viszonylag kis számban élnek még kirgizek és tádzsikok is. Még Tibetben is van muszlim kisebbség.

hvg.hu: A most kiéleződött konfliktus helyszínén vezetett keresztül hajdan a Selyemút, melyet Marco Polo is követett. Ez csupán véletlen?

D.M.: Nem egészen. Közép-Ázsiából érkezett az iszlám, és Hszincsiang legnyugatabbi része Kásgar és környéke már a tizedik században Mohamed próféta követőjévé vált. A keleti rész, ahol addig buddhista királyságok voltak, a XIV. században tért át. Az iszlámra áttérve az ujgur elnevezés is feledésbe merült, csak 1923-ban tértek vissza hozzá.

Mivel török és muzulmán népek éltek ezen a területen, az Oszmán Birodalom támogatta a mandzsu császárok és a kínai uralom elleni felkeléseket a 19. században. Később Oroszország illetve a Szovjetunió befolyása erősödött, majd az utóbbi felbomlása, és az iszlám többségű utódállamok (Kazahsztán, Kirgizisztán, Tadzsikisztán, Üzbegisztán) függetlenné válása után az Egyesült Államok is hatalmi tényezőként jelent meg a térségben

hvg.hu: Kína időközben a világgazdaság meghatározó tényezőjévé emelkedett, rendkívül dinamikusan fejlődik. Érződik ez Hszincsiangban is?

D. M.: Kína valóban látványos eredményeket produkál, ugyanakkor ez nem egyenletesen oszlik meg a hatalmas térségben. A keleti és déli partvidék gyors fejlődésével szemben az ország belső és nyugati részeit csak kevésbé érinti a fellendülés. A dinamikus ám egyenlőtlen fejlődésnek azonban ára van, ezt most kezdi fizetni a hatalmas ország. Kínát most érik utol az elmúlt években alkalmazott népesedési politika következményei is, mind kevesebb gyermeknek kell eltartania mind több idős korút, s mindezt egy olyan országban, amely csak most ismerkedik a társadalombiztosítás áldásaival, hiszen az idősek eltartását hagyományosan a család vállalta magára. Időközben az országban jelentősen nőtt a lakosság fogyasztása, ennek révén tovább nőtt az életszínvonalbeli különbség, illetve emelkedtek az árak és a bérek. Ezzel a hagyományosan olcsó munkaerőre alapuló kínai exportoffenzíva lassult. Vannak szakemberek, akik nagy reményekkel, vagy épen aggodalommal tekintenek egy olyan Kínai Népköztársaságra, amely sikeresen veszi a technológia-transzfer akadályait, és amely komoly szárazföldi haderőt épít ki és erős tengeri hatalomként jelent meg. Ezek a folyamatok ma még inkább a jövő kérdései illetve aggodalmai. A jelen gondja viszont a mezőgazdaságban munkát már nem találó parasztok tömeges városba költözése, illetve több millió új munkahely teremtése, illetve a gyakran nyílt népmozgalmakban megnyilvánuló paraszti elégedetlenség lecsillapítása.

Hszincsiangban kevésbé érezhető a gazdasági fellendülés, ráadásul súlyossá váltak a demográfiai problémák. A tartomány legnagyobb népességét az ujgurok jelentik (az összlakosság 45 százaléka) de a betelepülő kínaiak már 41 százalékot tesznek ki. Elsősorban Urumcsiban, a tartomány fővárosban települtek le, de elkülönült településeket hozott létre a kínai katonaság is, Megjegyzendő, hogy a kínai atomkísérleti központ is e tartományban van, a Takla-makán sivatagban.

hvg.hu: Mennyiben támogatja az ujgur lakosság a függetlenségi törekvéseket, illetve a fegyvereseket?

D.M.: Az ujgur lakosság hivatalosan „a kínai állampolgárok gyülekezetének szabad és egyenrangú tagjaiból áll”. Akadnak azonban, akik az ujgur nemzet jövőjét Kínán kívül, vagy legalább egy szélesebb autonómiával képzelik el. A kínai hatalom elleni fegyveres fellépés, amelyet a hatóságok terrorizmusnak tekintenek, sokak számára szabadságharcot jelent.

hvg.hu: Hogyan is néz ki Hszincsiang belülről?

D.M. :A Hszincsiang-Ujgur Autonóm Terület 1955-ben, szovjet nyomásra és mintára jött létre az 1949 óta létező hasonnevű tartomány átszervezése révén. Maga a tartomány kis birodalom egy nagy birodalom határvidékén, amely számos nemzetiségi autonóm körzetet is magában foglal. E nemzetiségek törekvései nem mindig egyeznek az ujgur őslakosság törekvéseivel. Más probléma, hogy az őslakosság képviselői gyakran úgy érzik, hogy a kínai hatóságok elsősorban kirakat- és egzotikum szerepet szánnak nekik, nincs igazán beleszólásuk a saját sorsuk alakításába.

Peking nem kíván lemondani sem Hszincsiangról sem pedig Tibetről, mint ahogy Tajvanról sem. Szeptember 11-e után Kína felzárkózott az Amerikai Egyesült Államok mellé a terrorizmus elleni háborúban, és sikerült elérniük, hogy az ujgur kisebbség radikálisait is felvegyék a nemzetközi terroristák listájára. Hszincsiangban az a fegyveres ellenállás jelenleg szórványos. Sokkal erősebb a politikai és gazdasági harc a megszállóknak tekintett kíniak ellen. Kiemelkedő politikusuk Rabia Kadír, egy többgyermekes, Nobel békedíjas ujgur üzletasszony. Ő egy időben még a Kínai Népi gyűlésben is képviselte az ujgurokat. Majd letartóztatták azzal a váddal, hogy államtitkokat adott ki, és vagy hat évre börtönbe zárták.

hvg.hu: Várható-e újabb merénylet az olimpia alatt?

D.M.: Ujgur szélsőségesek nyilván minden áron fel akarják magukra hívni a figyelmet. Ám jobb, ha tudomásul veszik: ha az olimpia alatt újabb merényleteket követnek el, maguk ellen hangolják az egész nemzetközi közvéleményt. Kérdés, tudatában vannak-e ennek. Hiszen ugyanúgy járnának, ahogy a palesztinok, akiktől a Fekete Szeptember mozgalom 1972-es, müncheni merénylete után hosszú időre elfordult a világ rokonszenve.

China’s forgotten people
Amy Reger

Published 08 August 2008

6 comments Print version Listen RSS This week’s terror attack in China has brought an intense barrage of publicity to the Uighurs. Amy Reger writes that one violent act does not represent more than 10 million people

In the tiny offices of the Uyghur American Association/Uyghur Human Rights Project, our phones have rung off the hook since Monday morning. Journalists from four continents have called to hear our comments regarding Monday’s attack in Kashgar, East Turkestan, in which 16 border police were killed. Chinese government authorities are reporting that the attack was carried out by two young Uighur men, a fruit vendor and a taxi driver. Acts of this nature threaten to undermine the progress we have made in peaceful Uighur human rights advocacy in a single blow. They also threaten to instantly reduce the Uighur people and their rich cultural tapestry into a one-dimensional image of violence in the minds of millions.

While we welcome all media inquiries, it is unfortunate that an appalling, violent act such as this has been the impetus for an unprecedented level of interest in Uighurs and in our organization, which is dedicated to peacefully promoting human rights and democracy for the Uighur people. It is a tragedy that for most people around the world hearing news of the attack, this is the first time they will have ever heard of the Uighur people − and now, in their minds, the word “Uighur” will be associated with violence and the word “terrorism” that is splashed across the headlines of the world’s newspapers. Unsubstantiated links to Al-Qaeda proffered by China’s official media have been widely re-published in many Western news reports −the suggested linkage is too newsworthy to ignore, yet at the same time impossible for deadline-pressed media to independently check out.

Unfortunately for Uighurs, they live in a world where their belief in Islam, despite their strongly pro-Western attitudes and the traditionally moderate practice of their faith, unfairly brands them as a group that is prone to violence and fundamentalism. Moreover, the Chinese government has exploited the demonization of Islam and the “global war on terror” in order to justify its heavy-handed repression of millions of Uighurs. China’s propaganda apparatus has become increasingly sophisticated at projecting an image on the world stage of a major, well-organized Uighur terrorist threat, which helps to crowd out discussion of the decades-long history of human rights abuses visited upon the Uighurs.

The more than ten million Uighurs of East Turkestan face human rights abuses nearly identical to those faced by Tibetans; arbitrary detention and imprisonment, religious repression, economic and educational discrimination, and the steady eradication of their language and culture from public life and institutions. While many people around the world have some knowledge of the suffering of the Tibetan people (thanks to decades of courageous advocacy on the part of Tibetans and their supporters), and a sympathetic view of Buddhism, relatively few have heard of the Uighurs and their plight, and their religion makes it easy for people to accept Chinese government assertions about Muslim “extremism” among Uighurs. In addition, the Chinese government frequently applies the “terrorist” label to Uighurs where it would use the term “separatist” to describe Tibetans or other groups.

The Uighur American Association’s small staff faces a daunting challenge – how to compete with a relentless Chinese government propaganda machine, and attempt to inform the world about human rights abuses committed against a people they’ve probably never heard of except in relation to a violent act. We must also attempt to ensure that no one misinterprets our human rights advocacy as an attempt to downplay or justify a terrible act of aggression. We face an uphill battle against facile sensationalism, exploited by the Chinese government; we are also competing against a sea of Olympic puff-pieces and “colour stories” produced by multi-million-dollar television news outlets. Relatively few news outlets dare to venture out of comfortable territory to produce nuanced pieces on Uighurs or similarly non-traditional subjects.
However, facing a much graver set of circumstances are the Uighur people in East Turkestan themselves, and particularly Uighurs in Kashgar, who are now being subjected to even greater intimidation and persecution than ever before. We have reliable reports of Uighurs being summarily rounded up in one area of Kashgar in the past week; police going door-to-door in Uighur neighborhoods and checking everyone’s identity papers; the closure of at least one mosque in the city, and the stepped-up blockage of Internet access.

In recent months in East Turkestan, Uighurs’ passports have been almost universally confiscated by authorities; large numbers of Uighurs have been evicted from major cities in East Turkestan, including those who had legal rights to stay in those cities; and at least one mosque was destroyed, apparently due to parishioners’ refusal to post Olympics slogans on its walls. In addition, Uighurs in East Turkistan have been told to avoid contact with foreigners, especially foreign journalists, and Uighur imams have been ordered to undergo “political education” regarding the Olympics.

Many Uighurs who had been living in Beijing have been forced to leave the city, and official directives have been issued to hotels and guesthouses throughout Beijing not to permit Uighurs to stay there.
On July 9, five young Uighurs were shot to death without warning by police in the regional capital of Urumchi, in a raid on an alleged “holy war training group”. On the same day, following a mass sentencing rally in Kashgar, two Uyghurs were executed and 15 others were handed sentences ranging from 10 years in prison to death on unsubstantiated terror-related charges. Schoolchildren were among the 10,000 Uighurs forced to attend the rally.

Since 2001, using “terrorism” as a justification, the Chinese government has undertaken a renewed, systematic, and sustained crackdown on all forms of Uyghur dissent. Those targeted in this crackdown include two sons of Uighur freedom movement leader Rebiya Kadeer, Alim and Ablikim Abdureyim, serving lengthy prison sentences because of their mother’s Uighur human rights advocacy (Ms. Kadeer is president of the Uyghur American Association); Nurmemet Yasin, a young intellectual imprisoned for writing a story about a pigeon that authorities deemed subversive; and schoolteacher Abdulghani Memetemin, imprisoned for providing documentation of human rights abuses to an overseas group.

While the Chinese government promotes an image of itself as a nation unified in ethnic brotherhood, in the manner of the Olympic slogan “One World, One Dream,” it is simultaneously demonizing the Uighur people as a whole. It has every right to condemn a violent attack on its soil, and to secure itself against the threat of violence and terrorism throughout the PRC. But the killings in Kashgar should not be used as an excuse to continue and even intensify egregious human rights abuses in East Turkestan. They should also not be used as a vehicle to exacerbate tensions between Han Chinese and Uighurs.

The international community should also refrain from judging the Uighur people as a whole on the actions of a tiny minority. We urge readers to learn more about the Uighur people and their rich Turkic heritage and culture; to visit East Turkestan if you are traveling to China to attend the Olympics; and to educate yourself about the harsh, government-sponsored suppression that is threatening to eradicate Uighurs’ culture and way of life.

Amy Reger is principal researcher for the Uyghur American Association’s Uyghur Human Rights Project, based in Washington, D.C.

From:http://www.newstatesman.com/asia/2008/08/human-rights-uighurs-china

China’s Uighur rebels switch to suicide bombs

Richard Lloyd Parry in Kuqa

Staats Teror In Eastturkistan

Suicide pipe bombers made a dozen attacks on police stations, government offices and businesses yesterday as Muslim separatists in the far northwest of China stepped up their Olympics bombing campaign.

At least 11 people died in the raids, which took place before dawn in Kuqa, an oasis city on the northern edge of the Taklimakan desert in the predominantly Muslim region of Xinjiang. Ten of the dead were reported to be attackers, three of whom appear to have blown themselves up to avoid capture.

It was an unprecedented event in China, which has no history of suicide bombing, and a grave escalation of the deteriorating security situation in one of its most tense and isolated areas.

Last night checkpoints sealed off the road to the police headquarters where attackers detonated a wagon filled with explosives at 2.30am, killing a civilian guard and injuring two police. According to the Xinhua news agency, the police fired back, killing one of the attackers and capturing two after a fourth killed himself with his bomb.

Half an hour earlier, an explosion blew out windows in a row of businesses. The owner of one café, where people were drinking at the time of the explosion, said: “Suddenly there was a big bang. The customers and I just ran away. When I looked back, my shop was totally destroyed.”

At 8.30am, police cornered five of the alleged attackers under a market stall. Two were shot dead as they threw their bombs while the other three blew themselves up. There were also attacks on a local government building and the premises of a trade organisation. A curfew was imposed and businesses in Kuqa county were ordered to close as police hunted for attackers, who, said Xinhua, had used bombs made from pipes, gas canisters and containers of liquid gas.

Kuqa is in the northern part of Xinjiang, a vast region of desert and mountainwhere the predominantly Muslim Uighur people are the largest ethnic population. In the months preceding the Olympics there had been increasing activity by separatist organisations seeking to establish an independent Islamic state of “East Turkestan”. Chinese authorities have reported a series of plots, including schemes to kidnap athletes and bomb a domestic flight, while bombs on buses killed five people in southwest China. There were doubts about whether they were serious threats or had been exaggerated by the authorities to justify intense Olympics security measures.

It was only last Monday, when 16 policemen were killed in a knife and bomb attack in the Xinjiang city of Kashgar, that it became clear that the dormant campaign for an independent East Turkestan had been revived.

Shi Dagang, a senior communist party official in Kashgar, said: “They are trying to turn 2008 into a year of mourning for China. I admit that we face a severe campaign because I know that these people will not lose their momentum.”

Two videos, of dubious authenticity, have been posted on the internet by a group claiming responsibility for the bus bombings. The latest, which appeared last Friday, told Muslims to avoid ethnic Chinese – difficult even in Xinjiang, where immigrants from the east almost match the Uighur population in numbers

Female suicide bombers in Uighur separatist war in Estturkistan

Lloyd Parry, Kuqa


Two women, including a teenage girl, were among the suicide attackers who launched a series of bomb attacks on a police station, government offices and shops, according to a senior official in China’s troubled north-western region of Xinjiang.

Chinese police in black body armour and carrying machine guns and rifles hunted for three escaped suspects yesterday, after the attacks on Sunday morning, the latest in a series of violent incidents apparently carried out by separatist insurgents and timed to coincide with the Beijing Olympics.

A 15-year old girl identified as Hailiqiemu Abulizi was said to be in a stable condition last night, after being injured when a home made bomb exploded prematurely. She underwent surgery after suffering 17 separate injuries, including a broken leg and foot.

Another woman, who has not been identified by the authorities, died after setting off a bomb which she was carrying in order to avoid imminent capture as she and four of her fellow attackers were cornered in a bazaar in the oasis town of Kuqa in China’s Xinjiang region. According to the Chinese authorities, ten of the attackers died in the attack, all of them Uighurs, a Muslim people who form the biggest ethnic group in Xinjiang.

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A Uighur passer-by who was caught up in the attacks died in hospital yesterday, the second man to be killed by the bombings which injured five others. Three of the attackers were arrested, and ten died, including two who killed themselves with their own bombs.

“If they are [Uighur] nationalists, then why didn’t they attack Chinese people?” asked Mu Tielifuhasimu, head of Aksu prefecture of which Kuqa is part. “They actually killed two Uighur people, and injured other innocent people in the streets.”

In fact the seventeen separate attacks seem to have planned with the intention of avoiding harm to Uighurs or civilians. They began at about 2.30 in the morning, a time when few people were on the streets, and were directed at the police headquarters, a government building and shops and businesses owned by ethnic Han Chinese, whom some Uighurs resent as colonialist interlopers.

Witnesses, most of whom refused to give their names, described chaotic early morning scenes as armed police hunted down the fleeing attackers through the back alleys of Kuqa. The bloody end came at around 8.30am with a last desperate stand among the empty stalls and shops of the night bazaar. A two minute film shot by one man on his camera phone from a high building overlooking the scene, and obtained by The Times, shows police cars driving down the street, and figures running for cover, while a voice, presumably that of a policeman, barks through a megaphone.

“I live nearby and I could hear explosions and shooting,” a Chinese man named Ma said. “Judging from the noise, there were a lot of explosions. I peeped out and saw police everywhere, coming from every direction to arrest them.” Most traces of the attacks had been cleared up by yesterday, although there were still fragments of broken glass in front of a row of damaged shops and windows close to the market were pierced by bullet holes.

Mr Mu said that the attackers were all Uighurs, but said that it was too early to draw conclusions about their motives or whether they were members of an organisation. He also declined to speculate on a link with an attack eight days ago in which 16 police were killed in the Uyghuristan/Xinjiang city of Kashgar by two men who drove a lorry into them, stabbed and bombed them.

But there are no plausible candidates other than the shadowy groups who, over the years, have called for independence for the region which they refer to as East Turkestan. “I think we are seeing an upturn in Uighur militancy,” said Nicholas Bequelin, a researcher based in Hong Kong for Human Rights Watch, and an expert on Uyghuristan/Xinjiang.

“This [series of attacks on Monday] is unprecedented in terms of its organisation. It is an incredible act of defiance during the Olympics, a moment most precious to the government when they most want to avoid any kind of trouble or separatist violence.” He said that the use of female suicide attackers appeared to be a first.

Journalist working in Kuqa were closely monitored by police and officials and The Times photographer, Jack Hill, was detained for hours yesterday after Kuqa police insisted that the identity documents issued by Beijing police were inadequate. He was eventually released after intervention from Mr Mu, but forbidden from taking photographs in the town.

Chinese separatists ‘planning year-long terror campaign’

Richard Lloyd Parry in Kashgar, Uyghuristan


Islamic separatists in western China are executing a carefully laid plan to sabotage the Beijing Olympics and make 2008 a “year of mourning”, a senior Chinese official claimed today — a day after a devastating attack that killed 16 policemen in the desert city of Kashgar.

In the first official response to the attacks, Shi Dagang, a senior Communist Party official in Kashgar, said that China faced a long struggle against terrorism perpetrated by local and foreign separatists seeking to establish an independent state of East Turkestan in the Muslim-dominated Xinjiang province.

“Since last year, East Turkestan forces have tried to launch sabotage and violence against the Beijing Games,” Mr Shi said. “They are trying to turn 2008 into a year of mourning for China.

“I admit that we face a severe campaign because I know that these people will not lose their momentum, but we are confident that we can control the broader environment.”

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Extra police were visible at tourist sites in the city and, according to Chinese state media, cars coming into the city were being searched after yesterday’s grenade attack.

Describing it as a “well planned attack”, Mr Shi said that a stolen lorry was driven from behind into a group of border patrolmen out on their morning jog. One of the two attackers had lost an arm as he set off a homemade bomb, but his companion threw more bombs, and set about the injured survivors with knives.

The two men were overcome and arrested. In their lorry, they were found to be carrying nine bombs, two long knives, two daggers and a gun.

They had allegedly also written wills in which they were quoted as saying: “Faith is more important than life, more important than the prosperity of family, more important than a mother’s love. Therefore, we will pursue jihad with all our might.”


Mr Shi named two groups that he said were targeting the Olympics: the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (Etim) and the East Turkestan Liberation Organisation. “At the beginning of this year, Etim dispatched orders that from April and May, they will launch major incidents until the Beijing Games . . . this is the reality that we have to face, a combination of internal and external forces, jointly co-ordinating a series of attacks.”

The Chinese authorities have reported several incidents this year which they have attributed to East Turkestan terrorists, including the attempted bombing of a domestic passenger plane and bus bombs in the southwest city of Kunming. Responsibility for the latter was claimed on the internet in the name of Etim, but Chinese officials and foreign analysts have expressed doubts about the claims.

The attack, the biggest of its kind in ten years, caused alarm but little surprise in Kashgar, an oasis town on the ancient Silk Route, where Chinese immigrants are greatly outnumbered by Uighur locals. Most people refused to discuss the incident, for fear of getting into trouble with the security forces, but the few who were prepared to speak anonymously expressed mixed feeling about the effect of the attack.

Were these rather vague reports serious terrorist threats or an effort by the Chinese authorities to justify the intense security measures imposed on the country during the Olympics? Monday’s attack proves that, however much the Chinese security forces may manipulate information, they also face a real threat.

Have your say

UYgurs have been suppressed by Chinese communist. They can not even use their own language and call East Turkistan to their Homeland. They can not carry and fly their flag over East Turkistan-chinese xinjiang. It is forbidden with death sentence.
Imagine if Scots people can’t fly Scottish Flag

Turan, London, England
From:http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4464246.ece

Renewed bomb attacks kill five in China

(Xinhua/Shen Qiao/Reuters)
The Hualin Market in Kuqa, which was bombed by the attackers

Richard Lloyd Parry in Beijing

At least five people were killed and several more were critically injured in a series of bomb explosions in China’s far west region of Xinjiang, in what looks increasingly like a concerted bombing campaign by Muslim separatists to coincide with the Beijing Olympics.

Witnesses described how attackers threw home made bombs at a police station and office buildings, injuring police and security guards and destroying two police cars. Five of the attackers were reported to have been killed at the scene.

The state Xinhua new agency reported a series of explosions between 3.20am and 4am in the oasis town of Kuqa, 2,500 miles west of Beijing in the Taklimakan Desert. “Flashes of fire” and gunshots were reported after the explosions, the report said, and police were hunting for further suspects.

“There were several explosions in several places in the county seat of Kuqa this morning and we heard them from the hospital,” a hospital employee named Ms Tian told the Associated Press from Kuqa. She confirmed that one man was pronounced dead upon arrival while others arrived in a critical condition.

Kuqa is in the northern part of Xinjiang, a vast region of deserts and mountains, where the Uighur people, who are predominantly Muslim, are the largest ethnic population. The months preceding the Olympics have seen increasing activity by shadowy separatist organisations who seek to throw off the government of communist China and establish the independent Islamic state of “East Turkistan”.

Chinese authorities have reported a series of terrorist plots, including a scheme to kidnap Olympic athletes, an attempt to set off a bomb on a domestic flight, and bombs on buses which killed five people in south-west China. But foreign analysts have expressed doubts as to whether these were serious terrorist threats, or were exaggerated by the Chinese authorities to justify the intense security measures imposed on the country during the Olympics.

It was only last Monday, when 16 policemen were killed in a frenzied knife and bomb attack in the Xinjiang city of Kashgar, that it became clear beyond doubt that the dormant campaign for an independent East Turkistan had been violently revived.


The local authorities said that the attack was part of an Olympic terrorism campaign. “They are trying to turn 2008 into a year of mourning for China,” said Shi Dagang, a senior communist party official in Kashgar. “I admit that we face a severe campaign because I know that these people will not lose their momentum.”

“With the special background of the eve of the Beijing Olympic Games, hostile forces at home and abroad will surely act like cornered mad dogs and step up their terror and sabotage activities,” said the governor of Xinjiang, Nuer Baikeli, in the provincial newspaper on Friday.

Two videos, of dubious authenticity, have been posted on the Internet by a group claiming responsibility for the bus bombings. The latest, which appeared last Friday just before the opening of the Games, warned Muslims to avoid ethnic Chinese – a difficult task even in Xinjiang, where immigrants from the east of the country almost match the local Uighur population in numbers.

In the video a masked fighter with a rifle stood in front of a burning Olympic symbol, and said: “Do not stay on the same bus, on the same train, on the same plane, in the same buildings, or any place as the Chinese.”