Séyit Batur We 1946-Yilidiki Qumul Taghliqlirining Qozghilingi

Muxbirimiz Qutlan
2014-01-10
seyit-batur-qebrisi.jpg

Séyit baturning qebrisi (qumul shehiridin 80 kilométir shimaldiki nérnasu kentide)

choghlan.com

1946-Yili 6-Ayda «11 bitim» imzalinip ölkilik birleshme hökümet teshkillengen, milliy armiye manas deryasini pasil qilip gomindang küchliri bilen tirkiship turuwatqan bir weziyette qumul taghlirida yene miltiq awazi yangraydu.

Gomindangning qumul wilayitide turushluq 178-Birigadisining éghir bésimigha chidimighan qumul taghliqliri séyit qurban, döletxan we onanbaylarning rehberlikide qoralliq qozghilang kötüridu.

Shahitlarning eslimiliri we arxip matériyallirining ilgiri sürüshiche, «11 bitim» imzalinip uzun ötmeyla qumul taghlirining weziyiti jiddiylishishke bashlaydu. Eslidinla ili inqilabigha guman bilen qarap kelgen altay qozghilangchilirining rehbiri osman islam siyasiy jehettin tewrinip qalidu. Buningdin paydilanghan gomindang dairiliri uni astirtin özige tartip ili terepni parchilimaqchi bolidu.

1946-Yili 7-Ayning axirliri osman islamning bir qisim qoralliq küchliri bariköl terepke sürülüp, qumul taghliridiki uyghur charwichilarning mal-Charwilirini bulaydu. Qumulning sharla téghi bilen nérnasu taghlirining yéza bashliqliridin séyit qurban bilen onanbay qatarliqlar xelqni teshkillep mal-Charwilirini qoghdashqa teyyarlinidu. Ularning addiy ow qoralliri bilen qorallinip heriketchan küch süpitide uyushushi  gomindangning qumulda turushluq 178-Birigadisini sarasimgha salidu.

Shu yili 8-Ayning 1-Küni gomindang terep uyghur we qazaq tillirini pishshiq bilidighan sang famililik bir xitay komandirini taghqa ewetidu. Uning  meqsitining séyit qurban we onanbay qatarliq yurt aqsaqallirini öltürüsh ikenliki ashkarilanghandin kéyin, tagh xelqi derhal heriketke kélip qozghilang kötürüshni qarar qilidu. Séyit qurban bilen onanbaylar sharla téghi bilen köshöte dawinini baza qilip her biri 40 tin qoralliq partizan teshkilleydu. Kéyinche döletxan 20 dek qoralliq eskiri bilen kélip ulargha qoshulidu.

Shu yili 8-Ayning otturiliri séyit qurban öz eskerlirini köshöte dawinigha orunlashturup qumul shehiridin qozghilangchilarni basturush üchün taghqa qarap kéliwatqan gomindang eskerlirining aldini tosidu. U birqanche kilométir ariliqtin qarigha élip gaz mashinining kabinkisida olturghan gomindang ofitsérini étip öltüridu. Kütülmigen bu zerbidin sépi buzulghan gomindang eskerliri qumul shehirige qarap qachidu. Buning bilen qozghilangchilar pütün tagh rayonini kontrol qilidu. Qozghilangchilarning sani nahayiti tézla birqanche yüzge yétip jenggiwarliqi ashidu hemde qumul shehirige hujum qilishning teyyarliqigha kirishidu. Gomindang armiyisining tagh qozghilangchilirini qorshap yoqitish üchün élip barghan birqanche qétimliq hujumi éghir meghlubiyet bilen axirlishidu. Qattiq sarasimige chüshken gomindangning qumuldiki hökümet we armiye kattiwashliri sülhi yolini tutushqa mejbur bolup, yerlik saqchi bashliqliridin xaliq we yüsüp möminlerni taghqa elchilikke ewetidu. Wehalenki, bu ikkiylen taghqa chiqipla séyit qurban bashchiliqidiki qozghilangchilar qoshunigha qoshulup kétidu.

Amalsiz qalghan gomindangning qumuldiki yerlik dairiliri ehwalni ölkilik birleshme hökümetke melum qilidu. Jang jijung exmetjan qasimi bashliq ili terep wekillirining arigha chüshüshini telep qilidu we bu weqeni tinch yol bilen hel qilish charisini otturigha qoyidu. Exmetjan qasimi eyni waqittiki weziyet we «11 bitim» ning emeliylishishni közde tutup, burhan shehidi we abdukérim abbasof bashchiliqidiki mexsus ömekni qumulgha ewetidu.

Uzun ötmeyla séyit qurban bashchiliqidiki qumul tagh qozghilangchiliri bilen gomindang terep otturisida 6 maddiliq sülhi imzalinip urush toxtaydu. Ili terep qozghilang rehberlirining hayatiy bixeterlikini közde tutup séyit qurban bashliq partizan bashliqlirini ürümchige élip chiqidu. Exmetjan qasimi kéyinche séyit batur qatarliq qumul partizanlirining ürümchide dawamliq turushining xeterlik ikenlikini hés qilip, ularni sowét ittipaqining ghuljigha uchidighan ayropilani bilen yoshurunche iligha yolgha salidu.

Séyit qurban qatarliqlar iligha barghandin kéyin milliy armiye we xelq teripidin qizghin kütüwélinidu. Sabiq sherqi türkistan waqitliq hökümiti séyit qurbangha «qumul baturi» dégen shereplik namni béridu. Shuningdin étibaren, qumul tagh partizanlirining rehbiri séyit qurbanning nami «séyit batur» dégen sherep bilen hemmige tonulidu.

Séyit batur 1949-Yilining axirighiche ghuljida turidu we milliy armiye sépide xizmet qilidu. 1950-Yilining béshida yurtigha qaytip, qumul nahiyisining hakimi bolup saylinidu. 1958-Yilidiki «yerlik milletchilikke qarshi turush herikiti» de qolgha élinip taki 1978-Yiligha qeder 20 yil türmide yatidu.

Séyit batur 1915-Yili qumulning taghliq kenti nérnasuda dunyagha kelgen bolup, 1930-Yillardiki qumul déhqanlar inqilabigha qatnashqan, kéyinche xojaniyaz hajining muhapizetchiler etritide muhapizetchi esker bolghan. Xojaniyaz haji qolgha élinghandin kéyin yurtigha qaytip xelq ichide yashighan. Kéyinche palwanliqi we qorqumsizliqi bilen tonulup, qumul taghliqlirining yurt béshi bolghan. Séyit batur 1985-Yili öz yurti nérnasuda 79 yéshida alemdin ötken.

Abduraxman Metturdi: Dadam Sekratta, Ayalim Késel Halette, Balam Anisi Qarnida Öltürüldi

Muxbirimiz Shöhret Hoshur
2014-01-10
qorsaqtiki-bowaq-olturush.jpeg

Téxi baliyatqu ichidiki tughulay dep qalghan bowaq.

Photo: RFA

Muxbirimizning kériyede yüz bergen hamile qetle qilish weqesi heqqidiki ilgirilep ehwal igileshliri dawamida, hamilisi chüshürüwétilgen anilardin birining yoshurun yürek késel ikenliki, u doxturxanigha apirilmaqchi bolghanda késili qozghilip hoshidin ketkenliki we hoshsiz halette doxturxanigha apirilip balisi chüshürülgenliki ashkarilandi.

Bu heqte radiomizgha melumat bergen abduraxman metturdi, hoshsiz ayali doxturxanigha élip méngilghanda, dadisining sekratta ikenlikini, balisi chüshürülüp ikki kündin kéyin dadisiningmu elem bilen dunyadin widalashqanliqini bayan qildi.

Tepsilatini yuqiridiki awaz ulinishidin anglighaysiz.

Famous Uyghur Poet Perhat Tursun

Famous Uyghur Poet Perhat Tursun


Introduction

Perhat Tursun was born in 1969 in Atush, a remote and mountainous county located in the southwest corner of China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, along the border with Kyrgyzstan. He earned a BA in Turkology and Literature and an MA in Chaghatay Language at the Central University for Nationalities in Beijing. Since 1989, he has worked as a folklore researcher at the
Uyghuristan People’s Arts Center in Ürümqi, Uyghuristan’s capital city, and as a poet, essayist, novelist, and screenwriter. He is one of the most prominent and most-discussed authors in the Uyghur language today.

Perhat published his first poem at the age of eleven in a local newspaper, and for the next few years continued writing poetry within the framework of traditional Uyghur forms and themes. In college during the heady days of 1980s Beijing student life, Perhat mastered Chinese and encountered the new ideas swirling around Chinese intellectual circles in the early years of Deng Xiaoping’s Opening and Reform policy. He devoured whatever Modernist poetry and literature he could get his hands on in Chinese translation, as well as works on philosophy, religion, and psychoanalysis.

As new literary horizons opened up for Perhat, he began venturing into fresh poetic territory. From the late eighties, his poetry took up some of the themes which would thereafter remain prominent in his work: bleak and bewildering urban life; the arbitrariness of fate and history; the redemptive possibilities of love. And with these new themes came new experiments in form, as his verse started to break out of the constraints of rhyme and meter which had characterized Uyghur poetry for centuries. “Morning Feeling,” a free verse poem written in 1993, exemplifies Perhat’s innovative style. Deftly-chosen details from the beginning of a city day capture the alienation of life in a gray metropolis like Ürümqi: the loss of private space that can paradoxically make people feel anonymous and interchangeable.

While Perhat’s more traditional poems have been enthusiastically received by critics and readers, the conservative literary environment in Uyghuristan has made it difficult for him to see some of his more avant-garde work into print. When I first read it, “Morning Feeling” existed only in long-hand form in an old, dusty notebook, its pages falling out, a notebook full of poems that Perhat kept promising to show me and kept forgetting. When he finally brought it around, he told me he had found it behind a desk in his apartment, where it must have fallen some time before.

Around 1993, Perhat began devoting more of his time to prose writing. Throughout the nineties, his novellas and short stories appeared regularly in Uyghuristan‘s literary journals and attracted a substantial following. In 1999, his novel The Art of Suicide stirred much controversy in Uyghur society with its frank treatment of sexuality and mental illness, and Perhat found himself the target of widespread hostility. It was during this difficult period of notoriety that Perhat began writing poetry extensively again, a second burst of poetic creativity that has continued to the present.

Perhat’s later work tends to be dark in tone, but often hints at a way out of the tunnel. Incomprehension at man’s capricious cruelty to man underlies every stanza of “Elegy,” composed in Beijing in 2006. “They cut my head off just to test the sharpness of a sword” could be an epitaph for all those lost to history’s great deadly ideologies. The last line of each stanza, though, seems to offer individual human connection as redemption from the overwhelming impersonal tides of history.

Both poems presented here were composed in Uyghur, though Perhat also writes occasionally in Chinese. A highly inflected language, Uyghur allows poets great freedom in word order, and a Uyghur poem’s lineation can therefore be difficult to replicate in English. I have tried here to stay as close as possible to the original, though some reordering of words and lines was inevitable. And while Perhat’s poetic language is simple, the density of metaphor and allusion in some of his work can be quite challenging; I have provided brief explanatory notes for references which seemed likely to be unfamiliar to English-readers. For Uyghur words and names, I have used the Latin Script Uyghur transliteration system developed in 2000 and 2001 at Uyghuristan University.

    *****

“Morning Feeling” and “Elegy”

by Perhat Tursun

Translation and introduction by Joshua L. Freeman

MORNING FEELING

Click here to hear Perhat Tursun read Morning Feeling

Every morning
the junk collector’s coarse and ugly voice
through the cracks of the doors
through the cracks in the window
with all its might squeezes into the house
Perhaps there’s nothing pitiful in this voice
yet its coarseness and ugliness
make it sound pitiful indeed

I recall
how many places
my address and phone number have been left
and with that I feel
that I’ve lost many things
I even sense I’ve lost
my most vital inner secrets
On broad streets
I feel myself stark naked
for no one comes to visit
and no one calls
Perhaps somewhere they watch me furtively
shamelessly gawking at my phone number and address
as if gawking sordidly at my secrets

Not daring to go outside
I curse them all sitting here
The junk collector’s ugly and hoarse voice
the beauty of the sunlight on the buildings
the bad smell rising from the blanket
force one to acknowledge
that the sun has come up
1993, Ürümqi

Note: The junk collector (eski tüski tergüchi in Uyghur, shōupòlàn in Chinese) is a ubiquitous figure in urban China. Starting in the early morning, and throughout the day, junk collectors walk the city streets, calling out in a loud voice, often hoarse from shouting, for whatever junk they may be able to use or sell.

ELEGY

Click here to hear Perhat Tursun read Elegy

“Your soul is the entire world.”
Hermann Hesse, Siddhartha

Among the corpses that froze in exodus over the icy mountain pass, can you

recognize me? The brothers

We asked to shelter us took our clothes. Go by there even now and you will find our

naked

Corpses. When they force me to accept the massacre as love

Do you know that I am with you.

Waking from three hundred years of sleep they do not recognize each other, nor do

they know their own greatness

I happily drank down poison, thinking it fine wine

When they search the streets and cannot find my vanished figure

Do you know that I am with you.

In that tower built of heads is my head too

They cut my head off just to test the sharpness of a sword. When before the sword

The cause-and-effect relationship we had loved is laid waste like a mad lover’s body

Do you know that I am with you.

When in the market those with tall fur hats are used for target practice, and a man’s

face draws out in suffering as the bullet cleaves his brain

And before his eyes which look to know the reason of his death the murderer’s figure

fades and disappears

Reflected in that bullet-pierced brain’s fevered thoughts will be my form, at that time

Do you know that I am with you.

In those times when drinking wine was a graver sin than drinking blood, do you

know the taste of the flour ground in the blood-turned mill? The wine

That Elishir Nawa’i deliriously dreamed up was modeled on the flavor of my blood.

In that infinitely mysterious drunkenness’s deepest levels

Do you know that I am with you.

March 2006, Beijing, Xihongmen

Note: Elishir Nawa’i, a Central Asian poet and statesman of the fifteenth century, was one of the major Turkic representatives of Sufi poetry. This literary movement stressed the desire to achieve unity with the divine, and conveyed love and longing for God through symbolic expressions of love for wine and women. It is said that for all the poetry he wrote in praise of wine, Elishir Nawa’i never tasted any.

The form of Perhat’s poem echoes a ghazal by another prominent Turkic Sufi, the dervish poet Baba Rehim (Shah) Meshrep. Recounting a number of momentous events in Islamic history–when God made Adam, when Ibrahim (Abraham) survived the flames, when the
prophet Zakariya was sawed apart along with the tree in which he was hiding–Meshrep affirms at the end of each couplet that “I was with [him].” Meshrep himself was martyred in 1711, hanged, it is said, because of his relentless criticism of the corruption and injustice
of contemporary Central Asian rulers.

The Uyghur poetic form qeside (elegy) is derived via Persian from the Arabic qasida, a long, highly formalized poem of praise or eulogy. Perhat’s free verse poem departs from the traditional rhyme and meter of the qeside.

“Morning Feeling” and “Elegy”

by Perhat Tursun

Translation and introduction by Joshua L. Freeman

Introduction

Perhat Tursun was born in 1969 in Atush, a remote and mountainous county located in the southwest corner of China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, along the border with Kyrgyzstan. He earned a BA in Turkology and Literature and an MA in Chaghatay Language at the Central University for Nationalities in Beijing. Since 1989, he has worked as a folklore researcher at the Xinjiang People’s Arts Center in Ürümqi, Xinjiang’s capital city, and as a poet, essayist, novelist, and screenwriter. He is one of the most prominent and most-discussed authors in the Uyghur language today.

Perhat published his first poem at the age of eleven in a local newspaper, and for the next few years continued writing poetry within the framework of traditional Uyghur forms and themes. In college during the heady days of 1980s Beijing student life, Perhat mastered Chinese and encountered the new ideas swirling around Chinese intellectual circles in the early years of Deng Xiaoping’s Opening and Reform policy. He devoured whatever Modernist poetry and literature he could get his hands on in Chinese translation, as well as works on philosophy, religion, and psychoanalysis.

As new literary horizons opened up for Perhat, he began venturing into fresh poetic territory. From the late eighties, his poetry took up some of the themes which would thereafter remain prominent in his work: bleak and bewildering urban life; the arbitrariness of fate and history; the redemptive possibilities of love. And with these new themes came new experiments in form, as his verse started to break out of the constraints of rhyme and meter which had characterized Uyghur poetry for centuries. “Morning Feeling,” a free verse poem written in 1993, exemplifies Perhat’s innovative style. Deftly-chosen details from the beginning of a city day capture the alienation of life in a gray metropolis like Ürümqi: the loss of private space that can paradoxically make people feel anonymous and interchangeable.

While Perhat’s more traditional poems have been enthusiastically received by critics and readers, the conservative literary environment in Xinjiang has made it difficult for him to see some of his more avant-garde work into print. When I first read it, “Morning Feeling” existed only in long-hand form in an old, dusty notebook, its pages falling out, a notebook full of poems that Perhat kept promising to show me and kept forgetting. When he finally brought it around, he told me he had found it behind a desk in his apartment, where it must have fallen some time before.

Around 1993, Perhat began devoting more of his time to prose writing. Throughout the nineties, his novellas and short stories appeared regularly in Xinjiang’s literary journals and attracted a substantial following. In 1999, his novel The Art of Suicide stirred much controversy in Uyghur society with its frank treatment of sexuality and mental illness, and Perhat found himself the target of widespread hostility. It was during this difficult period of notoriety that Perhat began writing poetry extensively again, a second burst of poetic creativity that has continued to the present.

Perhat’s later work tends to be dark in tone, but often hints at a way out of the tunnel. Incomprehension at man’s capricious cruelty to man underlies every stanza of “Elegy,” composed in Beijing in 2006. “They cut my head off just to test the sharpness of a sword” could be an epitaph for all those lost to history’s great deadly ideologies. The last line of each stanza, though, seems to offer individual human connection as redemption from the overwhelming impersonal tides of history.

Both poems presented here were composed in Uyghur, though Perhat also writes occasionally in Chinese. A highly inflected language, Uyghur allows poets great freedom in word order, and a Uyghur poem’s lineation can therefore be difficult to replicate in English. I have tried here to stay as close as possible to the original, though some reordering of words and lines was inevitable. And while Perhat’s poetic language is simple, the density of metaphor and allusion in some of his work can be quite challenging; I have provided brief explanatory notes for references which seemed likely to be unfamiliar to English-readers. For Uyghur words and names, I have used the Latin Script Uyghur transliteration system developed in 2000 and 2001 at Xinjiang University.

MORNING FEELING

Click here to hear Perhat Tursun read Morning Feeling

Every morning
the junk collector’s coarse and ugly voice
through the cracks of the doors
through the cracks in the window
with all its might squeezes into the house
Perhaps there’s nothing pitiful in this voice
yet its coarseness and ugliness
make it sound pitiful indeed

I recall
how many places
my address and phone number have been left
and with that I feel
that I’ve lost many things
I even sense I’ve lost
my most vital inner secrets
On broad streets
I feel myself stark naked
for no one comes to visit
and no one calls
Perhaps somewhere they watch me furtively
shamelessly gawking at my phone number and address
as if gawking sordidly at my secrets

Not daring to go outside
I curse them all sitting here
The junk collector’s ugly and hoarse voice
the beauty of the sunlight on the buildings
the bad smell rising from the blanket
force one to acknowledge
that the sun has come up
1993, Ürümqi

Note: The junk collector (eski tüski tergüchi in Uyghur, shōupòlàn in Chinese) is a ubiquitous figure in urban China. Starting in the early morning, and throughout the day, junk collectors walk the city streets, calling out in a loud voice, often hoarse from shouting, for whatever junk they may be able to use or sell.

ELEGY

Click here to hear Perhat Tursun read Elegy

“Your soul is the entire world.”
Hermann Hesse, Siddhartha

Among the corpses that froze in exodus over the icy mountain pass, can you

recognize me? The brothers

We asked to shelter us took our clothes. Go by there even now and you will find our

naked

Corpses. When they force me to accept the massacre as love

Do you know that I am with you.

Waking from three hundred years of sleep they do not recognize each other, nor do

they know their own greatness

I happily drank down poison, thinking it fine wine

When they search the streets and cannot find my vanished figure

Do you know that I am with you.

In that tower built of heads is my head too

They cut my head off just to test the sharpness of a sword. When before the sword

The cause-and-effect relationship we had loved is laid waste like a mad lover’s body

Do you know that I am with you.

When in the market those with tall fur hats are used for target practice, and a man’s

face draws out in suffering as the bullet cleaves his brain

And before his eyes which look to know the reason of his death the murderer’s figure

fades and disappears

Reflected in that bullet-pierced brain’s fevered thoughts will be my form, at that time

Do you know that I am with you.

In those times when drinking wine was a graver sin than drinking blood, do you

know the taste of the flour ground in the blood-turned mill? The wine

That Elishir Nawa’i deliriously dreamed up was modeled on the flavor of my blood.

In that infinitely mysterious drunkenness’s deepest levels

Do you know that I am with you.

March 2006, Beijing, Xihongmen

Note: Elishir Nawa’i, a Central Asian poet and statesman of the fifteenth century, was one of the major Turkic representatives of Sufi poetry. This literary movement stressed the desire to achieve unity with the divine, and conveyed love and longing for God through symbolic expressions of love for wine and women. It is said that for all the poetry he wrote in praise of wine, Elishir Nawa’i never tasted any.

The form of Perhat’s poem echoes a ghazal by another prominent Turkic Sufi, the dervish poet Baba Rehim (Shah) Meshrep. Recounting a number of momentous events in Islamic history–when God made Adam, when Ibrahim (Abraham) survived the flames, when the
prophet Zakariya was sawed apart along with the tree in which he was hiding–Meshrep affirms at the end of each couplet that “I was with [him].” Meshrep himself was martyred in 1711, hanged, it is said, because of his relentless criticism of the corruption and injustice
of contemporary Central Asian rulers.

The Uyghur poetic form qeside (elegy) is derived via Persian from the Arabic qasida, a long, highly formalized poem of praise or eulogy. Perhat’s free verse poem departs from the traditional rhyme and meter of the qeside.

http://www.asu.edu/piper/publications/haydensferryreview/issue48/international/international_tursun.html

Xitay Dairiliri Edib Nizamidin Hüseyinning Eserlirini NeshIr Qilishni Chekligen

Ixtiyariy muxbirimiz haji Qutluq Qadiri
2014-01-07
merhum-edip-nizamidin-huseyin.JPG

Merhum edib, inqilabchi nizamidin hüseyin ependi 3-Türmining doxturxanisida yétiwatqan chaghdiki hayatining axirqi künliride tartilghan süret. Ürümchi.

RFA/Qutluq

Yéqinda yaponiyedin wetenge ziyaretke bérip kelgen birining bildürüshiche, yéqindin buyan uyghur aptonom rayonidiki siyasiy weziyetning jiddiyliki tüpeylidin, uyghur aptonom rayonluq partkom teshwiqat bölümining qararigha asasen, neshriyat-Axbarat idarisi ilgiri gézit-Zhurnallarda élan qilinghan bir qisim ediblerning eserlirini qayta neshr qilishni chekligen.

Xitay dairiliri qayta neshr qilishni chekligen eserler qataridin 80-Yillarning otturiliridin bashlap «erkek qelemkesh» dégen nam-Ataqlar bilen keng xelq teripidin eserliri qizghin alqishqa érishken edib, inqilabchi nizamidin hüseyinning «jahalet pirliri shinjangda» namliq köp qisimliq tarixiy esirimu orun alghan.

Edib nizamidin hüseyining «jahalet pirliri shinjangda» namliq tarixiy esiri heqqide ziyaritimizni qobul qilghan türkiyediki sherqiy türkistan weqpining mesulliridin biri, tetqiqatchi abdujélil turan bu heqte toxtilip ötti.

Nizamdin hüseyin 1928-Yili 8-Ayda uyghur aptonom rayonning qaghiliq nahiyisi chopan yézisida tughulghan. Esli ismi toxti memet axun bolup, 1944-Yilidiki sherqiy türkistan jumhuriyiti dewride, qaraqurum taghliridiki qoralliq partizan qisimlirigha qatniship, razwédchik we ofitsér bolghan.

Sherqiy türkistan jumhuriyiti hökümiti bilen gomindang hökümiti otturisida tüzülgen 11 bétimdin kéyin gomindangchilar teripidin qaghiliq, yekenlerde bir mezgil qamalghan. Kéyin türmidin qéchip, nizamidin hüseyin isimlik kishining kimliki bilen yekendin ürümchige qéchip kelgen. Shuningdin bashlap u, nizamdin hüseyin dégen isimni qollinip kelgen.

1947-Yili shinjang institutining yeni hazirqi shinjang uniwérsitétining tarix-Jughrapiye fakultétigha oqushqa kirip, mezkur fakultétta muhemmed imin bughraning qolida oqughan. 1950-Yili oqushni tamamlap «shinjang géziti» de muxbir we tehrir bolup ishligen. Muxbirliq xizmiti jeryanida uyghur aptonom rayonning bir qisim jaylirini tepsiliy ziyaret qilip, bu jeryanda nurghunlighan qedimiy kitab we matériyallarni toplighan.

Edib nizamidin hüseyin 1958-Yili 4-Ayning 14-Küni xitay hökümiti teripidin «esheddiy ongchi, yerlik milletchi» dep qolgha élinip türmige tashlanghan.

1958-Yildin 1978-Yilghiche bolghan 20 yilliq türme hayati jeryanida u, jemiy 13 qétim türmidin qachqan. U, shu jeryanlarda uyghur aptonom rayonning her qaysi bulung ‏- Puchqaqlirigha bérip, mökünüp yürgen. Axiri öz yurtida turalmay, xitayning xéylongjang ölkisi we béyjing sheherliridimu bir mezgil sergerdan bolup yürgen. Béyjingda qolgha élinip luigochü türmisige chetellik mehbuslar bilen birge qamalghan, kéyin saqchilar uning uyghur ikenlikini bilgendin kéyin ürümchige élip bérip, türmige tashlighan we muddetsiz qamaq jazasigha höküm qilghan.

1978-Yili 10-Ayda xitay siyasitining özgirishi bilen türmidin qoyup bérilip «shinjang géziti» idarisige qaytidin xizmetke chüshüp,muxbirliq, tehrirlik xizmitini dawamlashturghan.

1980-Yildin bashlap «yolsiz eqide», «qaraqurum uyghurlirining hazirqi zamandiki örp-Adetliri», «tajiklar hayatidin xatiriler», «jahalet pirliri shinjangda», «kéyinki ottura esir uyghur medeniyet tarixi ochérkliri» we «bizdiki illetler » qatarliq nadir eserler bilen uyghur jemiyitide qaytidin shöhret qazanghan.

Edib nizamidin hüseyin yene mexpiy halda, xitay hökümiti teripidin cheklengen uyghur tarixigha ait bolghan muhemmed imin bughraning «sherqiy türkistan tarixi», polat qadirining «ölke tarixi» qatarliq kitablarni köpeytip basturup, jemiyettiki özining meslekdashlirigha,ürümchidiki bir qisim aliy mekteplerdiki wetenperwer oqughuchilargha tarqatqan.

Merhumning ailisidikilerning bildürüshiche, nizamidin hüseyin 1997-Yili 3-Ayning 3-Küni (düshenbe) kech saet 10.00 Etrapida öz öyide «5-Féwral ili weqesi», «25-Féwral ürümchi aptobus partlitish weqesi» ge qomandanliq qilghan «bash jinayetchi» dégen guman bilen qolgha élinip, ürümchi sheherlik 3-Türmige qamalghan.

Nizamidin hüseyinning yéshi shu mezgilde 70 din ashqan bolup, türmide xitay saqchilirining rehimsizlerche qiyin-Qistaqqa élishigha, ten jazasigha uchrighan. Shu sewebtin uning salametliki türmide intayin nacharlashqan. 1998-Yili 4-Ayning 8-Küni yeni qurban héytqa bir kün qalghanda, u türmining doxturxanisida sekratqa chüshüp qalghan, saqchi dairiliri amalsizliqtin uni ailisidikilerge tapshurup bergen. Nizamidin hüseyin shu küni kéchide öz öyide wapat bolghan.

Merhumning jinaza namizi saqchilarning nazariti arqisida ürümchi qiziltagh meschitide oqulup, ürümchi sheher ichidiki musulmanlar qebristanliqigha depn qilinishi cheklinip,saqchilarning körsetmisi boyiche sheher sirtidiki tikquduq yeni yéken köl etrapidiki qebristanliqigha qoyulghan.

Merhum edib, inqilabchi nizamidin hüseyin bilen ilgiri wetende köp söhbetlerde bolghan dunya uyghur qurultiyi ijraiye komitétining reisi dolqun eysa merhum heqqide toxtilip ötti.

Awaz ulinishidin tepsilatini anglang.

Uyghur Ressam Marwayit HAPİZ

“BAZEN ÖYLE RESİMLER GÖRÜR Kİ İNSAN…”

Marwayit Hapiz, Sezai Şengönül, Röportaj, Söylesi,  Uygur Ressam,  Uygur, Ressam, Resim, Doğu Türkistan, Kumul, Almanya, Hanish Hapiz, 12 makam, Meşrep
Benim çocukluğum, 1960’lı yıllarda Mao’nun başlatmış olduğu kültür devriminin etkilerinin daha görüldüğü o yıllar denk gelmiştir.
23 Aralık 2013 Pazartesi 11:20

Marwayit HAPİZ

   (Ressam-Almanya)     

   Röportaj:@Sezai ŞENGÖNÜL


Doç. Dr. Marwayit HAPİZ kimdir?

1962 Yılında Çin’in Moğolistan sınırındaki Doğu Türkistana bağlı Kumul eyaletinde doğdu. Hapiz. İlk ve ortaokulu Kumul da okudu. 76-79 yılları arasında 14 yaşındayken Urumçi’de güzel sanatlar üniversitesinde Resim bölümüne seçildi. İlgili bölümü bitirdikten sonra 79-83 yılları arasında, Kuzeybatı Milletler Üniversitesi Güzel Sanat Akademisi’nde 4 yıl özel olarak ‘yağlı boya’ branşında yüksek lisans (master) yaptı. 1983-96 yılları arasında Urumçi Güzel Sanatlar Akademisi’nde, Doçent ünvanı ile öğretim görevlisi olarak ders verdi. Çeşitli ülkelerde birçok kez resim sergileri açan Doğu Türkistanlı ressam Marwayit Hapiz, Almanya’da öğrencilere ders vermekte ve ressamlık yapmaktadır.


Annemi örnek aldım…

Marwayit Hanım, Moğolistan sınırında bir şehirde doğdunuz, ailenizden ocağınızdan bahseder misiniz? Kimdir onlar, ne iş yaparlar?

Ben Doğu Türkistan’ın doğu tarafındaki, Kumul eyaletinde, çiftçi bir ailenin evladı olarak 1962 yılında doğdum. Bizim evimiz yer ve gök arasındaki ufuk çizgisi gözüken 5 aileden kurulmuş bir ovadaydı. Babam şarkı ve müzik söylemeyi seven bir insandı. Evimizde Duttar, Tambur, Gecek, Tef gibi Uygurlara has müzik aletleri bulunurdu. Babam boş zamanlarında bu müzik aletlerini çalar, şarkı söylerdi. Zaman zaman babam müzik çalıp, şarkı söylediğinde evde hepimiz oyun (usul) oynardık ve evin havası bir anda şenlenirdi. Kış günleri boyunca ne babamı, ne de dayımı evde pek görme imkanımız olmazdı. Çünkü, Kumul da kış günleri ‘meşrep’ler (Meşrep Meclisleri- Doğu Türkistan’da sosyal, kültürel, geleneksel bir toplantı türü olup, aşkam geç saatte başlayan, sıkı bir disipline tabi, sabaha kadar sürebilen, hem eğlence hem de halkın problemlerin gündeme getirilip çözümlerin arandığı, uygulandığı, daha çok kış günleri düzenlenen geleneksel bir kültür toplantısı) düzenlenirdi. Ve babam olmadığı zaman bu programlar çok renksiz olur, tatsız-tuzsuz olurdu. O yüzden babam sürekli o programlara katılmak durumunda kalırdı. Hatta, o programlara gitmediği takdirde, o programlar olmayacak kadar önemsenirdi babam. Evimiz çeşit çeşit meyvelerin olduğu bir bahçe içinde idi. Bunun dışında babam tabiatı sever hep meyvelerle uğraşır onları yetiştirirdi. Bahar aylarında o meyvelerle uğraşmaya başlar yaz aylarına kadar vaktini oralarda geçirirdi. O misafirperver, merhametli, espriler yapan bir insan olduğundan yaz günleri evimiz boş kalmaz, uzak ve yakın mesafelerden gelen misafirlerimiz olurdu. Ve o zamanlar bizim bahçemizdeki meyveler her yerde bulunmadığından o misafirlere muhakkak onlardan ikram edilir, öyle yolcu edilirlerdi. Anneme gelince, o ‘on parmağında on marifet’ olan birisiydi. Uygur milli kıyafetlerinden fes ve elbiseler diker, nakışlı-işlemeli yastık ve masa örtüleri yapar, modelini kendisinin çıkarttığı orijinal oya ve dantel işleri yapardı. Bunları yaparken renk renk ipler kullanırdı. Onları yaparken görürdüm ve bu beni çok etkiler, yüreğim titrerdi. Güzel duygulara vesile olurdu. Ben de annemi örnek alarak yerlere, duvarlara, kağıtlara resimler çizerdim. Ayrıca bende danteller örerdim. Bu hevesim annemi çok mutlu ederdi.

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‘Ben okuyamadım, ama sizleri dilencilik yapsam da gene okutacağım…’

Benim çocukluğum, 1960’lı yıllarda Mao’nun başlatmış olduğu kültür devriminin etkilerinin daha görüldüğü o yıllar denk gelmiştir.
23 Aralık 2013 Pazartesi 11:20

Kaç kardeşsiniz,  birazda diğer aile bireylerinizden bahseder misiniz?

Biz toplam sekiz kardeşiz. Bunların 6’sı hanım, 2’si de erkek.  Babam hepimizi okuttu, hepimiz de üniversite bitirdik. Babam bizi okutmada çok kararlı idi ve bize şu sözü söylemişti ta en başta; ”Ben okuyamadım, sizler bilin ki; ben dilencilik yapsam da sizi gene okutacağım” demişti. Bu sözler bende çok etki yaptı. Okuma iradem ve isteğimi bu sözler kamçıladı. Ve Babamın dediği gibi de oldu. Bizler hep okuduk…  Mesela kızkardeşim Hanish Hapiz ve erkek kardeşim Yakup, Güzel Sanatlar üniversitesinde okudular. Hanish, şu an çok ünlü ve tanınmış bir modacı olup aynı zamanda devlet sanatçısı…

Eğitim hayatınızdan bahseder misiniz, hangi eğitimleri aldınız, ne okudunuz?

İlk ve ortaokulu Kumul da okudum. 76-79 yılları arasında 14 yaşındayken Urumçi’de güzel sanatlar üniversitesinde Resim bölümüne seçildim ve oraya kayıt oldum. 79-83 yılları arasında, Kuzeybatı Milletler Üniversitesi Güzel Sanat Akademisi’nde 4 yıl özel olarak ‘yağlı boya’ branşın’da yüksek lisans (master) yaptım. 1983-96 yılları arasında Urumçi Güzel Sanatlar Akademisi’nde, Doçent ünvanı ile öğretim görevlisi olarak ders verdim. Profesörlük sınavını da verdim fakat hemen akabinde Almanya ya geldim.

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Moğolistan sınırındaki Kumul, İpek Yolu’nun bağlantı noktasıdır…

Kumul, coğrafi ve kültürel ve stratejik konumu önemi bakımdan nasıl bir yere sahiptir? Birazda bunlardan bahseder misiniz?

Kumul 650 seneden fazla Kraliyet monarşisi ile yönetilen bir yer olup, diğer bölgelere göre örf adet ve geleneklerinde farklılıklar gösteren,  farklı bir kültürel yapıya sahip bir yerleşim yeridir. Coğrafi olarak, tabiatı güzeldir ve yeşil bitki örtüsü ne sahiptir. Doğu Türkistan’ın doğu kapısıdır. Kumul Uygurların tarihinde çok mühim bir yere sahiptir. Kumul şehri, meşhur ‘İpek Yolu’nun, Batı Asya, Avrupa ve Güney Asya devletlerinin hep önemli bir bağlantı noktası olmuştur tarihte… Doğu cephelerinde sıralanmış Barkül, Bağdaş dağları gibi dağlar vardır buralarda. Barkül dağları Moğolistan ile saradaki sınır dağlarıdır. Kumul halkı, sanat festival, kültürel vb. faaliyetleri ve festivalleri sever… Birde Uygurların tümünde önemli bir yere sahip olan 12 makam denen müzik, Kumul halkı tarafından da çok önemsenir.

Ne meşhurdur buralarda, hani her yerin ünlü birşeyleri olur ya… Birde, Kumul ismi nereden gelmiştir, bu konuda bir bilginiz var mı?

Kumul da Kavun, Hünnap çok ünlüdür. Yörede şeker oranının en yüksel olduğu Kavunlar bu yörede yetişir. Hünnapları ise diğer yörelere göre daha iri ve tadı da daha hoştur. Kumul isminin nereden geldiği hakkında çok çeşitli rivayetler vardır. Arkeolojik kazı bilgilerine bakıldığında -Qem- Moğolca da meyve ya da bol meyve yetişen yer anlamında kullanılmış. Günümüzde de buralarda çok meyve yetiştiğini göz önüne alırsak bu tarihi bilgilerin doğru olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. Birçok görüş arasında bana en makul geleni de budur. İtalyan Seyyah, Marko Polo’nun yazdıkların da Kumul adına rastlanmış.

Kumul’da yetişmiş belli başlı yazar, düşünür olarak kimler var, bildiğiniz kadarıyla?

Kumul’dan yetişmiş en belli başlı, tanınmış ve yazar tarihçilere , Abdürrahim Ötkür, Abdülkerim Hoca (yazar), Ayşem Ahmet (yazar ve aynı zamanda benim dostum) benim tanıdıklarım bunlar… Tabii ki, bizim oradan bilmediklerim de vardır.

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Çocukluğum Mao’nun kültür devrimi dönemine denk geldi…

Çocukluğunuz, genç kızlığınız döneminde sosyal ve ekonomik yaşam nasıldı oralarda?

Benim çocukluğum, 1960’lı yıllarda Mao’nun başlatmış olduğu kültür devriminin etkilerinin daha görüldüğü o yıllar denk gelmiştir. O zamanlar halkın ekonomik ve sosyal durumu bozuktu. Halkın gene de birbirine dayanışması gözlenirdi. İnsanlar birbirlerine yardım ederek hayatlarını sürdürürlerdi. Öyle bir ortam vardı…

Tarihte, sanıyorum bu şehirde önemli bir iki ayaklanma olmuş, neden oldu bu ayaklanmalar…

1932 yılında Kumul yöneticilerinin haddinden fazla zulüm ve baskı yapmaları karşısında Bay Demir (Tömür) Bey önderliğinde halk ayaklanması oldu. Yine 1943 yılında da Hoca Niyaz Hacı önderliğinde halk ayaklandı. Halk yapılan bu zulümlere baskılara karşı bu önderlerle birlikte karşı durdu…

Ressam olmak nerden aklınıza geldi, fikir veren oldu mu sizi yönlendiren vb..

Ben dış dünya ile hiç irtibatı olamayan bir muhitte doğup büyüdüm. Mao dönemindeki kültür devriminden dolayı üniversiteler kapalıydı o dönemde. Resim çiz, ya da resim yap diye kimse bana bir şey söylemedi. Benim ressam olmama benim yaşadığım çevre ve annemin her çeşit, ipeksi renkleri nakış nakış işlemiş olması ve bunu benim görmem, bana ressam olma ruhunu aşıladı. Günümüzde dahi bu tür renkleri görsem o günleri gene anımsıyor ve aslında annemin bana bu sanatı aşıladığını düşünüyorum.

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Türkiye’de, Resim Sergisi açmak en büyük hayalim…

Gelelim çeşitli konulardaki ve mesleğinizle ilgili diğer sorulara. Türkiye denince aklınıza ne geliyor, ne düşünüyorsunuz, neleri çağrıştırıyor bu sözcük?

Doğu Türkistan da yaşadığım yıllarda Türkiye’yi çok seviyor ve merak ediyordum. Şimdi de seviyorum fakat o yıllarda hiç görmemiştim. Benim gözümde Türk Medeniyeti çok büyüktü. Ve bu medeniyetin dünyadaki en kudretli ve güzel medeniyetlerden biri olduğunu düşünüyordum. Türki medeniyetleri arasında medeniyet olarak çok gelişmiş bir medeniyetti gerçekten. Kardeşlik münasebetiyle çok hürmet ediyor ve bununla da gurur duyuyordum.  Hala da o duygu ve düşünceler var bende. Türkiye de resim sergisi açmak benim en büyük hayalim. Tam olarak benim açtığım bir sergi olmasa da 2010 yılında TÜRKSAV’ın davetiyle Türki milletlerden diğer ressamlarla beraber resimler çizdik. Çizdiğimiz bu resimler aynı sene İstanbul Arkeoloji Müzesinde sergilendi. Yine 2013 yılında, Portakal Çiçeği Sanat Kolonisinin davetiyle dünyadan ve yerli birçok Ressamın katılımıyla gerçekleşen bir organizasyon da Sapanca’ya gelerek 15 gün boyunca resimler çizdik. Bu çizdiğimiz resimler de 2014 yılı Ocak ayı başında Ankara’da Port Art Sanat Galerisinde sergilenecek. Fakat Ben bu sergiye katılamayacağım.

Koloni çalışmaları sırasında, neler yaşadınız ilginç bir anınız oldu mu? Sapanca’da epeyce gün ve vakit geçirmişsiniz çünkü?

Yurt dışından da ressamlar vardı ama çoğu Türk Ressamlardı. Bu sanıyorum 4 yıldır yapılan geleneksel bir çalışma imiş. İlginç bir çalışma idi, konsept olarak. Oradaki insanlar, beni diğer ressamlara ‘Uygur Türkü’ diye, tanıttılar. Bazı ressam arkadaşlarda,” Sen Türklere benzemiyorsun” dediler. Bende onlara espri ile karışık olarak; “hakiki Türk benim” dedim. Sonra onlarda ‘doğru, hakiki Türk sensin” dediler. Ondan sonra da bana ‘Has Türk” diye, seslendiler. Bu yaşadığım esprili olay şakavari de olsa beni gene de gururlandırdı…

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“Hakiki Türk sensin” dediler…

Hangi tarz resimler yapıyorsunuz, hani kara kale mi, yağlı boya mı?

Yağlı Boya, Sulu Boya, Akrilik, Yağlı Kalem, Kara Kalem…

Resimlerinizde tema olarak genelde neleri işliyorsunuz ya da işlediniz?

Benim motiflerim genel olarak Uygurların eski geleneksel yaşam tarzlarına dair motifler, sokaklar,  pazarlar, çöl ve vahalardan ibaret olup, eski İpek Yolu Medeniyetine ait tasvirlerdir. Sergilerimde de baştan sona kadar “İpek Yolundaki Kervan”  isimli başlığı kullanırım…

Sizin sanat dalında da bu ilham konusu var, nedir bu ilham size göre?

Bu benim için güzel ve ilginç bir soru oldu. İlhamın nerden, nasıl hangi zamanda, hangi muhitte, geleceğini hiçbir sanatkar bilemez diye düşünüyorum. Biz ilham var/yok diye basit cümlelerle konuşuyoruz. Ben bazen ilhamın tefekkür etmenin sonucu olarak ortaya çıkan, bir cevher olduğunu düşünüyorum. Bunun cevher diye düşünüyorum. Bazen de, Allah’ın insanın dünyasına bağışladığı akıl, duygu, feraset duyu ve hislerinin sedası diye de bakıyorum, ilhama…

Resim yaparken en çok kullandığınız renkler hangileri ağırlıklı olarak?

Sarı, kırmızı, siyah gibi sıcak renkleri çok kullanıyorum. Bu çeşit renkler duygularımdan kaynaklanıyor.

Neden peki, yani hangi sebepten dolayı?

Artı, doğup büyüdüğüm çevrenin coğrafi özelliklerinin de bu renkleri kullanmam da etkisi var diye düşünüyorum.

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Bazen öyle resimler görür ki insan…

Bir tablonun hiç bitmediği, uzun sürdüğü olur mu?

Bu da ilginç bir soru. Evet… Başarılı bir ressam, başarılı bir resmi ortaya çıkarmak için bazen bir ömür uğraşır. Ve bir ömür çizer, uğraşır, didinir durur… Bazen de bitti dersiniz biter… Çok kısa zamanda olabilir bu, çok uzun bir zaman dilimine de yayılabilir…

Marwayit Hapiz, resim çizmediği zamanlar neler yapar?

Resim çizmediğim vakitlerde, bütün hanımlar gibi, bende onlar neleri yapıyorsa aynısını (ev işleri vesaire…) yaparım. Ama yine de kendimce dinlenmeye çalışır,  vakitte kalırsa çeşitli kültürel ve sosyal etkinliklere katılmaya gayret gösteririm.

Birde şiir ve resim akraba sanatlar… Resim için, ‘sözcükler olmadan renklerle ressamın yaptığı, çizdiği bir şiirdir’, diyebilir miyiz?

Elbette denilebilir. Fakat şiir yazmakla resim yapmak arasında biraz fark var. Şiiri okuyup, düşünüp algılarız. Resim sanatında ise görerek, seyrederek algılarsınız. Resmi, dil ve yazı ifade edemez. Bazen öyle resimler görür ki insan, onu anlatmaya sözcükler kifayet etmez. Bir başka husus ise, bir şair kolay kolay ressam olamaz, resim çizemez. Fakat bir ressam; şair olur, şiir yazabilir… Ama ortak yönleri vardır yine de…

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İstanbul’da o harika sanat eserlerini gördükten sonra…

İstanbul’a birkaç defa gelmişsiniz, sanıyorum. Neler hoşunuza gitti, nereleri gezdiniz, neler dikkatinizi çekti?

Ben Türkiye’ye İstanbul’a geldiğimde, beni çok etkileyen tarihi yapılar gördüm. İstanbul’da ki camii ve saraylar, padişah haremlerinin süslemeleri, tarihi havası, gizemi çok müthiş. Özellikle Dolmabahçe Sarayı ve içindeki işlemeler, süsler müthiş güzel. Camilerdeki ve eski külliye ve sarayların duvarlarındaki, tavanlarındaki süsleme, hat sanatı, oyma sanatı çok çok harika. Bunları gördüğüm vakit, ruhum derinden etkilendi. Çarşı ve pazarları gezdim. Altın, oymacılık ve seramik üzerine işleme sanatının çok ilerlemiş olduğunu bizzat gördüm. El sanatları çok iyi ve gelişmiş, Türkiye’de. Ben Avrupa’nın birçok şehrinde birçok kral saraylarını, başka tarihi eserlerini gezdim, gördüm, inceledim. Onları da beğendim fakat İstanbul’da o harika sanat eserlerini gördükten sonra, daha hakiki sanatkarlığın İstanbul’da ki eserlerde olduğu kanısı oluştu bende. Ve sanatın asıl doruk noktasının burada olduğu düşüncesine kapıldım… İstanbul gezdiklerim arasında dünyanın en güzel şehirlerinden birisi. Denizi, tarihi ve kültürel tüm varlıklarıyla…

Türk Resim Sanatını bir ressam olarak değerlendirirseniz, nasıl Türk Resmi ve Ressamları? Resimlerini beğendiğiniz birkaç ressamı örnek verebilir misiniz?

Türkiye ressamlarının çok iyi eserleri var. Bunların hepsini anlatmaya benim sözlerim belki yeterli olmaz. Aynı zamanda gelişmiş olan o Türk Resim sanatının kendine özgü özellikleri de var. Hepsini sayamasam da, resimlerine hayran olduğum Türkiye de tanınmış, kendine özgü eserleri olan bazı ressamlardan bahsetmek istiyorum. Bunlar Osman Hamdi Bey, İbrahim Çallı, Hikmet Onat, Feyhaman Duran. Bu ressamların bazı eserlerini görüp çok heyecanlandığımı söyleyebilirim. Elbette, bunlardan başka iyi resimler yapan Türk ressamlar da var, ama bunlar say say bitmez…

Marwayit Hanım şimdiye kadar nerelerde sergiler açtınız?

Urumçi, Beycin (Çin), Honkong, Kazakistan, Amerika, Almanya. Türkiye de bir iki resim sergisine katıldım. Ama Türkiye de kişisel sergi açmadım, sadece çalışmalara katıldım. Daha çok Almanya da, 1998 yılından bu yana birçok resim sergisi açtım…

Almanya’ya geliş sebebim…

Almanya demişken burada epeyce tanınıyorsunuz bildiğim kadarıyla… Peki, Almanya’ya neden geldiniz, mesleğinizi neden Doğu Türkistan da icra etmediniz?

Ben, Almanya’ya bu sanatımı daha da ilerletmek, özgürce düşünüp, his ve duygularımı tehditsiz, yasakların olmadığı bir ortamda yaşayıp uygulayabilmek ve hayatımı da, sanatımı da böyle bir ortamda sürdürebilmek için geldim. Buraya geldikten sonra sürekli kendi eserlerimi yapıyorum. Resmi, ressam olup yaşıyorum. Burada Çağdaş Ressamlar ve Alman, Akademik Ressamlar Cemiyeti’nin üyesiyim. Ve bu Cemiyetler tarafından her yıl Almanya da düzenlenen sergilerde resimlerim sergilenir. Sonra da çeşitli resim kataloglarına konulur…

Almanya’da Kendi Atölyeniz mi var, bir kurumda mı çalışıyorsunuz?

Hayır, kendi atölyem var. Burada öğrencilerim var, onlara ders veriyorum.

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İyi bir ressam olmak için…

İyi bir ressam olmak için eğitimden başka gerekli şeyler var mı?

İyi bir ressam olmak için yetenek ve maharetten başka o kişide yüksek derecede; dünyaya, hayata, insanlığa, tabiata ait sağlam ve derin bir düşünceye sahip olma yetisine sahip olması ve bunu taşıması gereklidir…

Peki… Uygurlarda, Doğu Türkistan’da Resim sanatının gelişimi nasıl? Sizden başka kimler var belli başlı, Uygur ressamlar olarak, bu işin ehli…

Uygurlarda resim sanatı İslam dininin gelmesiyle birlikte duraklamıştır. Geçen asrın ortalarından itibaren dünya resim sanatının etkisi ve Gazi Emet isimli ressamın çalışmalarıyla tekrar canlanmış ve gelişme göstermiştir. Sonraki dönemlerde Uygurların Kerim Nesirdin, Memet Hayt, Zöhre Yasin, Emin Turdi, Lakim İbrahim (Özbekistan), Ruslan Yusuf, Abdülkerim İsa, Haşimcan Kurban (Kazakistan)  vb.. ressamları yetişmiştir. Ama şu anki Uygurların resim sanatı, eski Budizm, Şamanizm zamanındaki resim sanatının devamı niteliğinde midir, değil midir? Buna cevap vermek zordur. Bu konuda, Özbekistan da yaşamakta olan Uygur Ressam, Lakim İbrahimi’yi dile getireceğim…

Ne açıdan önemlidir bu kişi? Ne katmıştır Uygur resim sanatına…

Söyleyeyim… Bu kişi şu anda Özbekistan Devlet Resim Sanatçısıdır. Onun resimlerinde hakiki, eski geleneksel Uygur resim sanatının izlerini,  gerçek ruhunu görebiliyoruz. Bu ressam, kadim Uygur resim sanatını zamanımız resim sanatıyla harmanlayıp kendine özgü bir resim stili yarattı.  O Kadim Uygur resim sanatını şimdi ki resim sanatına uladı, bağladı. Canlandırdı, canına can kattı. Başkaca, çok sayıda şu an yetişmekte olan Uygur resim sanatçıları da var… Bu açıdan önemli bir ressamdır bu kişi…

Son olarak memlekete ait aklınızda kalan bir anınızı bizimler paylaşır mısınız?

Ömrümde beni çok üzen bir olayı da en başta bahsettiğim o meyve bahçelerimiz yüzünden yaşadım. Çünkü onlar bizim için çok önemliydi. Bir gün Urumçi’den köyümüze geldiğimde bir de baktım ki; bahçemizde 2-3 tane ağaç kalmış. Gerisinin hepsi yerlerde ve kesilmiş. Şu an bile, bunlar aklıma gelince içim acıyor. Neden böyle oldu dediğimde, babam çok derin ve acılı bir şekilde bana bakarak; ”Çinliler geldi ve sen meyveler yetiştirip, giderek zenginleşiyorsun dediler beni azarladılar ve ağaçları kestiler” dedi. Bu beni, ömrümde derin bir şekilde üzen bir anımdır.

Resimler@Marwayit HAPİZ- Röportaj:@Sezai ŞENGÖNÜL- Uygurca Tercüme: Rena Nihal Mustafa

Not:@İzinsiz kopyalanamaz, tanıtım amaclı da olsa kaynak ve isim zikredilmeden kullanılamaz…

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http://www.birlesikbasin.com/bazen-oyle-resimler-gorur-ki-insan…-28454h-p1.htm

JADIDISM IN GREAT TÜRKISTAN

JADIDISM, a movement of reform among Muslim intellectuals in Central Asia, mainly among the Uzbeks and the Tajiks, from the first years of the 20th century to the 1920s. It took its name from oṣul-e jadid (new method), which was applied to the modern schools that the reformers advocated in place of the “old” (qadim) schools: the traditional maktabs and madrasas. “Jadid” or “jadidči” became a synonym for reformer, while “qadim” or “qadimči” meant a conservative opposed to change. These terms also suggested a generational divide: the jadids were, on the whole, younger men and looked to the future, whereas leading qadims were older and embraced tradition (Khalid, p. 93).

The origins of Central Asian Jadidism are diverse. It belongs within the broad framework of reformist and revolutionary movements among the Muslims of Russia and the neighboring Islamic countries in the late 19th and early 20th century. The efforts among the Volga Tatars beginning in the 1880s and by Esmāʿil Bey Gasprali/Gasprinski (d. 11 Sept. 1914), the founder of a new-method school in Bakhchisaray (Bāḡča Sarāy), the capital of the Tatars in the Crimea in 1884, and the publisher of the influential reformist newspaper Terjümān beginning in 1883, were crucial sources of ideas for the Jadids (Ismoil Gasprinskiy va Turkiston, pp. 40-100). So were publications from Istanbul, Cairo, Beirut, and cities in India and Persia. Numerous books in Persian were imported from India, especially the classics of Persian poetry (e.g., Saʿdi, Rumi, Ḥāfeẓ, Jāmi) and the works of ʿAbd-al-Qāder Bidel (q.v.; Dmitriev, pp. 243-47), and Persian-language newspapers came from Calcutta, Kabul, and Cairo. The Jadids were also inspired by political movements in the Islamic world: the anti-colonial struggles in India, the constitutional movement in Persia (1905-1911, q.v.), and, above all, the Young Turk movement in the Ottoman Empire. They could not but feel a strong sense of solidarity with their fellow Muslims. Yet, however much they may have owed to others, their programs, organizations, and enthusiasms were primarily responses to the social and economic changes and the cultural initiatives introduced by Russia in Central Asia from the middle of the 19th century on. The Jadids had to confront colonialism as circumstances required in the governorate-general of Turkestan, which was under direct Russian administration, and in the Emirate of Bukhara, which maintained its own governmental institutions under a Russian protectorate. In both areas the connection with Russia suggested new models of development and raised cultural and moral challenges that called into question traditional institutions and values.

The Jadids by no means constituted a unified movement. They were conservatives, radicals, and moderates, but, above all, they were individuals, and each one professed his own ideas about culture and identity, social change, religion, and the state. Although the notion of youth is usually associated with the Jadids, two generations are, in fact, discernible within their ranks. The first generation consisted of those who undertook their education mainly in Muslim institutions, who used Persian as their language of written expression, and who were subject to only modest Russian influences before 1917. A second generation began to assert itself in the years around World War I. Its members had received educations less tied to the traditional madrasa and more exposed to Russian influences, and were harsher than their somewhat older colleagues in their criticism of customs and institutions. Yet, the Jadids as a whole shared certain beliefs and aspirations that endowed their drive for reform with both coherence and idealism. They displayed a critical attitude towards the society around them, an abiding commitment to learning, and an eagerness for change that were all framed by a vision of the future that was essentially optimistic. They were, in short, modernizers and enlighteners.

The Jadids were determined, first and foremost, to bring Central Asia into the modern age. They were, in essence, Muslim modernists as their perception of the contemporary world and their attention to its problems originated in the culture and society of Muslim Central Asia. Thus, they belonged to a common Muslim modernist community that extended from the Ottoman Empire and Egypt to Persia and India, and they could converse with one another in their common Turkic and Iranian languages, but, unlike the Young Turks, they did not reject Islam. Rather, they sought to bring Islamic teachings into harmony with the norms of modern society.
At first, the Jadids perceived their cause as educational, and they assumed moral and cultural leadership as a matter of right, because they were certain that the path they had chosen would lead to an enlightened and prosperous future. They were equally certain about who their opponents were, and they waged a resolute campaign against the conservatives within the ulama. The contest between them took on the attributes of a Kulturkampf, as both sides recognized how high the stakes were, nothing less than the power to decide what Muslim culture would be. The mullahs had no intention of relinquishing the cultural dominance they had exercised for centuries, while the Jadids were filled with anxiety, lest ignorance and hidebound tradition condemn Central Asian Muslims to eternal backwardness and subordination to others.

The Jadids also merit the epithet, “enlighteners,” because they had complete faith in knowledge as the most effective means of solving society’s problems, and because they were inveterate dispensers of knowledge. Dismayed by the deficiencies of the maktabs and many madrasas, they committed themselves, first of all, to the new-method schools. But they conceived of their didactic mission in broad terms: they wrote school textbooks, founded newspapers and filled their columns with exhortations to learn and to reform, wrote poetry and plays and experimented with new forms of fiction to popularize their ideas and to create a new mental climate, and founded publishing houses to print their works and bookstores to disseminate them.

The Jadids had no formal, written program at first. Yet, their actions made clear their determination to overcome ignorance and backwardness by establishing new schools and creating a new literature, by combating the entrenched ulama and widening the horizons of students in the madrasas, and by exposing the corruption and tyranny of the emir and his officials (ʿAyni, 1987, pp. 69-70). Thus, even under the emir’s oppressive regime in Bukhara and the vigilance of Russian colonial administrators in Turkestan, the Jadids prepared themselves for political struggle.

A measure of the unity and diversity of Jadidism may be gleaned from the biographies of its leading proponents. Mahmudḵoja Behbudiy (Maḥmud Ḵᵛāja Behbudi, 1874-1919) was by all accounts the most prominent figure among the Jadids. He came from a family of means; his father was a mufti, and he himself, well educated in both religious and secular subjects, became a mufti. He had traveled extensively, including the ḥajj pilgrimage in 1899 and had spent time in Russia in 1903-4; he was an enthusiastic founder of new-method schools and an ardent promoter of the indigenous press. ʿAbd-al-Raʾuf Feṭrat (1886-1937 or 1938, q.v.) also enjoyed great esteem among his contemporaries. He was a true enlightener who was engaged simultaneously in many projects, including social criticism, literary creativity, journalism, and politics. He studied in a madrasa, but the four years he spent at the University of Istanbul (1909-13) and his direct acquaintance with the Young Turk movement proved decisive. He became one of the more radical Jadid leaders and was an early critic of the Emirate of Bukhara’s regime in such works as Monāẓara-ye modarres-e boḵārāʾi (1911). After 1917, he participated in the reconstruction of Central Asia under Soviet auspices, but he could not reconcile his own aspirations with the demands of the new regime. Ṣadr-al-Din ʿAyni (1878-1954, q.v.) came from a modest family of village craftsmen, but attended several madrasas and became engrossed in the study of classical Persian poetry. He attended small gatherings of intellectuals in Bukhara and was attracted to the Jadid cause early on, committing himself fully to educational reform. Later he accommodated himself to the Soviet regime and became the leading literary figure of the new Soviet Tajikistan.

Monawwar Qori (Qāri; 1878-1931) was from a cultured family. He had an elite madrasa education and was a faithful activist in all the Jadid enterprises, particularly as a pioneering founder of new-method schools and a founder and editor of newspapers. Abdulla Avloniy (ʿAbd-Allāh Awlāni, 1878-1934), born into a prosperous family, was educated in the maktab and madrasa. He founded new-method schools, edited two short-lived newspapers, was an author of great versatility (poetry, plays, and school textbooks), and after 1917 played an important role in education.

Tolagan Khojamiyorov, known as Tavallo (Tawallā; 1882-1939), came from a family of ulama and literary people and received a traditional Islamic education. He was an advocate of Muslim cultural renewal and the modernization of Muslim education and was best known as a poet. In his small book of poems, Ravnaq al-Islom (Rawnaq al-Eslām, 1916), he urged his readers to strive for a cultural and economic renaissance in Turkestan.

After 1917, though reserved toward the new Soviet order, he was eager to create a flourishing intellectual life. Hoji Mu’in Shukrulla (Ḥāji Moʿin Šokr-Allāh, 1883-1942), raised in modest circumstances, contributed regularly to the Jadid press and was a well-known author and producer of plays on Jadid themes.

The members of what may be called the second Jadid generation were more radical in their social activism and more experimental in their literary creativity than their elders. Hamza Hakimzoda Niyoziy (Ḥamza Ḥakimzāda Niāzi, 1889-1929), from a prosperous family, was educated in a maktab and madrasa in Kokand, but he also probably attended a Russian-native school, where he learned Russian. He opened numerous new-method schools and wrote textbooks for them. He wrote poetry and the first Uzbek novel in addition to plays on reformist and revolutionary themes, thereby becoming the leading playwright of the new Uzbekistan. Abdulla Qodiriy (ʿAbd-Allāh Qāderi, 1894-1938) studied in traditional schools and in a Russian-native school to learn Russian and was much influenced by the reformist press. He was a prolific writer and the founder of the modern Uzbek novel in the 1920s. Fayzulla (Fayż-Allāh) Khojaev /Khodzhaev (1896-1938) came from a well-to-do, religious family and combined a traditional maktab education with studies and association with liberal Russians in Moscow before 1917. He was a radical activist who emphasized political struggle, and, allying himself with the Bolsheviks, eventually became the political leader of Soviet Uzbekistan in the 1920s and 1930s. Abdulhamid Sulaymon (ʿAbd-al-Ḥamid Solaymān) Čolpan (1897-1938) was born into a wealthy and prominent family. He received a traditional Islamic education and also attended a Russian-native school and learned Russian, which, as he gratefully acknowledged, opened European literature and culture to him. His debt to Jadid thought is evident throughout his poetry and prose.

Of all the instruments the Jadids used to achieve their goals, new-method schools most absorbed their energies at the beginning. They wanted to replace the rote learning of the maktab with the phonetic method of teaching the Arabic alphabet, thereby teaching pupils actually how to read.

They were also intent upon expanding the curriculum in order to provide pupils with the knowledge they would need to take their place in the modern world and thus to survive the competition from outside Central Asia. Arithmetic, the natural sciences, history, and geography became regular subjects of study, and Arabic and Persian and, here and there, Russian, were taught systematically (Dudoignon, pp. 161-68; Dolimov, pp. 88-115).

The Jadids by no means eliminated religion from their schools. Indeed, they devoted much attention to instruction in the tenets of Islam and the recitation of the Qurʾān, but the approach had changed. New textbooks written in the vernacular (Uzbek Turkish or Tajik) were used, and, instead of having pupils memorize sacred texts, teachers strove to instill in them a genuine understanding of the doctrines and practices of their faith. In the madrasas the Jadids emphasized the need to focus on the sources of Islam as the proper subject of study rather than on commentaries and interpretations, as was the prevailing practice. Yet, they also, in a sense, separated Islam from the rest of the curriculum. Under the old system, religion had pervaded every subject, but in the new-method schools it became a distinct discipline alongside history, geography, and other subjects (Khalid, pp. 172-74).

As the number of new-method schools grew, from the first one founded in Tashkent by Monawwar Qāri in 1901 to the probably several hundred in Bukhara, Samarkand, Tashkent, Kokand, and other places at the outbreak of World War I, the Jadids spared no effort to support them. In Bukhara in 1908, they formed Širkati Buḵoroi šarif (Šerkat-e Boḵārā-ye šarif “The association of noble Bukhara”), a joint-stock company whose main purpose was to publish textbooks. Among them were ʿAyni’s Tahzib-us-sibyon (Tahḏib al-ṣebyān “The Education of Children;” 1910), which emphasized the importance of study and the role of the family in learning, and Zaruriyoti din (Żaruriyāt-e din “The requirements of religion;” 1914), which presented the fundamental teachings of Islam in straightforward language (Gafarov, pp. 102-5).

Jadid newspapers and periodicals made their appearance after the Russian Revolution of 1905, when restrictions on the press were loosened. Their founders were much influenced by reformist Tatar and Azeri publications, notably Terjümān, Waqt (Orenburg), and Eršād and Ḥayāt (Baku), which circulated widely in Central Asia; but the Jadids of Tashkent, Bukhara, and other cities were eager to create outlets of their own for their ideas. The most striking characteristic of all their publications was their didactic contents and tone. They covered a great variety of subjects, but they concentrated on education and the ways of achieving social and economic progress (Jalolov and Ozganboev, pp. 60-82). Editors favored the informative and critical essay, which sometimes took up to a quarter of each issue and was almost always committed to a moral or social cause.

In these newspapers, poets (Awlāni and Tawallā) and prose writers (ʿAyni, Behbudi, Čolpan, and Feṭrat) early on tested their ideas and honed their literary skills.

The first Jadid publications, in Turkic published in Tashkent, were short-lived. Among them was Qāri’s Ḵoršid (1906) and Awlāni’s Šohrat (1907), both of which were closed by government order after only ten issues each, because of their outspokenness. In 1912, after a four year absence of the Jadid press, reformers in Bukhara obtained the emir’s permission, apparently through the intervention of the Russian agent, to publish a Tajik-language newspaper, Buḵoroi šarif (Boḵārā-ye šarif). It was a true organ of enlightenment, informing its readers about a wide range of topics, almost always in a didactic vein. It was also a staunch advocate of material progress, which it made dependent on the growth of literacy.

Authors regularly dwelt on ways of developing industry and improving agriculture and irrigation and, especially, trade, which they thought essential if Bukhara’s economy was to flourish and poverty be eliminated.

Feṭrat was a frequent contributor. Along with admonitions to raise the general level of learning in the madrasas, he urged that more attention be paid to agriculture, specifically that farmers receive specialized instruction in their “trade” and that schools specializing in agricultural studies be established. Behbudi frequently wrote in praise of new-method schools, but underlying his expressions of hope for the future were nagging doubts about the ability of his fellow Muslims to take responsibility for their own destiny. He lamented the absence among them of “invigorating thought” and “Muslim science,” and he feared that they were losing their creativeness (Gafarov, pp. 128-29). The editors of Buḵoroi šarif, to promote their ideas among Uzbek-speakers, published Turon (Turān), at first as a supplement and then as a separate newspaper. Both papers, which appeared three times a week, were constantly beset by financial problems, because of the small number of subscribers. The emir closed both on 2 January 1913, because of their unrelenting criticism of conditions in the emirate.

Among other important Jadid periodicals was Behbudi’s Oina (Āyna; 1913-15), which was published in Uzbek and Tajik. A clear voice of reform, it was noteworthy for Behbudi’s commitment to sow enlightened ideas in every possible form; no branch of knowledge escaped his attention. Sadoi Turkiston (Ṣadā-ye Torkestān; 1914-17), highly influential among intellectuals, brought together as editors Qāri, Awlāni, Niāzi, and Čolpan and published on a wide range of subjects, including religious questions and events in Muslim countries (Jalolov and Ozganboev, pp. 82-113).

Sadoi Ferḡona (Ṣadā-ye Farḡāna; 1914-1915) disseminated moderate Jadid views on political, commercial, and literary questions in Kokand and the Farḡāna Valley. The influence of Jadid newspapers was undoubtedly limited, because of the small number of subscribers and the hostility of the authorities. But they are indispensable for tracing the evolution of the Jadids’ ideas on politics, society, and culture before 1917, and for explaining their creativity and their stands on important public issues in the 1920s and 1930s.

In their zeal to enlighten and to reform, the Jadids turned also to literature. They were eager to create a new prose and poetry to serve as yet another means of persuading a broader public to accept their vision of a modern society. Traditional literature struck them as unsuited to their times, because it placed entertainment and artistic formulas ahead of enlightenment and social and economic progress. They used new themes and new genres to criticize prevailing social, political, and moral evils, and their early works, especially, were full of earnestness and fervor. These changes were evident in poetry. While many poets remained faithful to the traditional metric system (see ʿARŪŻ), Feṭrat and Čolpan began to write in other styles, drawing on the spoken language and the prosody of Turkic folk poetry. Feṭrat’s collection of poems, Ṣayḥa “Outcry” (1912), and Awlāni’s collections, Adabiyot yoḵud milliy šeʿrlar (Adabiyāt yā ḵod melli šeʿrlar, 4 parts, 1909-16), displayed new forms and had as themes, besides the importance of learning and science, the urgent need for justice and liberty.

The most profound literary effects of Jadidism were felt in fiction. Two writers in particular, Qodiriy (Qāderi) and Čolpan, exemplified the Jadid approach to literature before 1917, but while they placed their talents in the service of social activism, they were also conscious of themselves as literary artists. Qāderi’s short story, Juvonboz (javānbāz “pederast:” 1915), purely Jadid in content, reveals the corruption and lack of freedom in Turkestan society. In two other stories of the same year, Ulogda “At the goat game” and Jinlar bazmi “The Jinni’s party,” he is clearly more concerned with literature as art than with the defects of the surrounding society. His attention to character, his descriptions of place, and his humorous approach to diverse situations, all amply on display here, assured his popularity as a novelist in the next two decades (Mirbaliev, pp. 46-56).

Čolpan began his literary career with the publication of his first two short stories, Qurboni jaholat (Qorbān-e jahālat “The victim of ignorance”), and Doḵtyr Muhammadyor (Doktor Moḥammadyār) in 1914. Both betray his Jadidist sympathies and accord literature a social function. In the first story the young hero is made aware of the ignorance and depravity around him through his reading of the enlightened press, and he must wrestle with the ideas espoused by reformers and conservatives. In the second story, Čolpan portrays the quintessential Jadid of the time, D.

Moḥammadyār, who is not satisfied merely to lament the backwardness and torpor that pervades his Turkestan, but assumes responsibility for reform. He establishes new schools and benevolent societies and publishes a daily newspaper and a weekly journal. Thus, he spreads knowledge and enlightens minds in order to arouse people to take the tasks of reform into their own hands. He is the archetype of the Jadid, because he combines the two main constituents of Jadidism. On the one hand, he thinks about life in modern terms, but, on the other, he remains true to the conservative family from which he comes, preserving the wholesome ethical values it taught him (Karimov, pp. 34-40). Čolpan himself is the Jadid par excellence, because he sees hope for the future in the commitment of the socially conscious, enlightened individual to change society. Yet, he is unlike many Jadids, too, because of his idea of the autonomy of art. He thought that form and language and style were as important as content, and he insisted that a writer must be creative and have imagination, if his literary work was to fulfill its purpose (Čolpan, pp. 35-37).

The theater offered the Jadids a unique opportunity to bring their ideas before a larger public. Building upon a popular theater tradition, the masḵarabozlik (masḵara-bāzlik “buffoonery”), they wrote and produced some thirty plays in the modern, “European” style between 1911 and 1916. Almost all of them were social dramas with a clear message excoriating ignorance, religious fanaticism, and government oppression and corruption. Focused mainly on the shortcomings of the prevailing political and social order and brimming with solutions, all in accordance with the Jadid credo, these plays were deficient in character development, as both heroes and villains were there primarily as the bearers of ideas (Rizaev, pp. 101-34). Often at the end of the play, to make certain that the audience had grasped the message, one of the characters would summarize the author’s ideas, sometimes at length. Yet despite, or perhaps because of, their didactic qualities, these Jadid dramas were immensely popular, and numerous companies of amateur actors, often composed of madrasa students, were organized, beginning in 1914, to perform them in Samarkand, Tashkent, Kokand, and smaller towns. The Jadids used the proceeds from performances to support their favorite causes, notably the new-method schools.

Behbudi laid the foundations of the Jadid and the modern Turkestan theater with his play, Padarkuš (Pedarkoš “The patricide”), a true literary manifesto of the Jadids, written in 1911 and performed in Samarkand in 1914. A great success, it became a staple of the Jadid repertoire. The plot revolves around a rich man and his son, who, denied an education, leads a dissolute life and, in the end, kills his father. He thus fulfils the prophecy of Intelligent, a Jadid-like figure serving as the author’s spokesman, who points out that Muslims must become learned people in both secular and religious subjects, if they are to survive. Related to Padarkuš in its emphasis on enlightenment is Ḥāji Moʿin Šokr-Allāh’s Eski maktab – yangi maktab (old school – new school; 1916). Critical of the existing state of education, it lauds a wealthy patron of new-method schools who understands why Central Asia must get in step with the modern world and its secular learning and industry, if it is ever to overcome poverty and suffering.

Harsher in their judgments of Turkestan society were Awlāni and Qāderi. Awlāni’s Advokatlik osonmi? “Is it easy to be a lawyer?” (1916) portrays poor and downtrodden petitioners who tell their stories to a lawyer in the desperate hope that he can rescue them from unscrupulous moneylenders and officials. In Baḵtsiz kuyov “The unfortunate bridegroom” (1915), Qāderi condemns a corrupt financial system that drives a young bridegroom to suicide when he cannot repay a loan. Ḥamza, perhaps the most radical of all the Jadid playwrights, questioned the moral foundations of Turkestan society. In Zaharli hayot “A poisioned life,” (1915) he tells of two young people in love from different social classes, whose families forbid their marriage. When the parents of the girl promise her to an elderly rich man, she and her lover see no other way out than suicide. In their tragedy, Ḥamza says, they represent the enlightened who stand for social and gender equality; only people like them can save society from ignorance and sinister traditions (Rahmonov, 1959, pp. 100-117, 292-98).

As time passed, a new sense of community took form among the Jadids. They spoke often about mellat (nation). Sometimes they applied the term to the Muslims of Central Asia and sometimes, more narrowly, to the Muslims of Turkestan. Thus, at first, ethnic identities were encompassed by the broader Muslim community. For example, the history taught in the new-method schools was of Islam, not of Turks and Turkestan, and the language was called Musulmān tili (Muslim language). Many Jadids also used the term waṭan, which traditionally had referred to one’s birthplace, that is, a city or region, but increasingly after 1900 it designated a larger territory united by a common culture. In Čolpan’s Doḵtyr Muhammadyor and in the works of Awlāni and Ḥamza waṭan meant “Turkestan.” An ethnic differentiation was also present in the thought of many Jadids, as they identified the Muslims of Turkestan as Turks, thereby excluding the Tajiks. Although these new categories did not become explicit until after 1917, language was already becoming a distinctive mark of ethnicity. Turkic Jadids insisted that Turkic (Uzbek) alone was appropriate for their new-method schools because their pupils did not understand Persian, the traditional language of instruction.

The Jadids’ sense of social community remained all-inclusive. They admitted the lower classes into the mellat and accepted their own responsibility to improve the lot of the poor through education and other reforms, but they left no doubt that only the intellectuals, that is, they themselves, were capable of leading society on the road to progress.
The Jadids regarded women as members of the community, too, and they strove to improve their status in two areas in particular: education and marriage. They were united in urging equal opportunities for women to study, and Ḥamza in his novel, Yangi saodat: melli roman “The new happiness: A national novel” (1915), emphasized the importance of a bride’s good education. Although many hesitated to change existing marriage customs, Ḥāji Moʿin Šokr-Allāh in his play, Maẓluma ḵāten “The oppressed woman” (1916), condemned polygyny, and Ḥamza in Yangi saodat praised marriage based on the free choice of the bride and groom. Yet, on the whole, the Jadids took a conservative approach to women’s issues.

The most consistent advocates of women’s rights were women writers who shared Jadid principles, such as the Uzbek poetess Anbar Otin (Atun) (1870-1916). She was anxious to end the practice of arranged marriages between young girls and older men, and she urged the sending of more girls to the maktabs and madrasas. Like the Jadids, she expressed warm feelings for the waṭan (for her, the Farḡāna Valley) and welcomed the influence of Russian culture and education, but she condemned the effects of colonialism (Qodirova, pp. 21-25, 32-36, 38-50).

Islam, too, defined community for the Jadids, but it is difficult to discern the precise boundaries between their thought and religion. Many had a comprehensive knowledge of Islam, gained from study in the madrasa, and they maintained contacts with the ulama. They were also convinced that religion was the moral and ethical foundation of society, and, thus, they retained it in the new-method schools. Yet, however important a place Islamic religion and culture had in their thought and writings, they showed little interest in purely theological debate, preferring instead to focus their attention on cultural reform. The majority were anti-clerical because, in the interest of intellectual and social progress, they wished to limit the influence of organized religion in public affairs, especially education.

In their discussions of community and identity the Jadids had to take into account the presence of Russia in Central Asia. Their attitude was ambivalent. On the one hand, they were not separatists; they wanted to take part in the political and economic renewal of the Russian Empire after 1905 and accepted Russia and its connection to Europe as a means of modernizing their own society (Khalid, pp. 217-18). Yet, they were determined to maintain their own identity, as their strivings for autonomy and their insistence on the cultivation of their own languages, not Russian, suggest. Some Jadids put matters bluntly. Feṭrat in the original Persian text of his Monāẓara, published in Istanbul in 1911, expressed strong anti-colonial, anti-Russian feelings, which were omitted from the Uzbek version published by Ḥāji Šokr-Allāh in Tashkent in 1914.

The Russian Revolution of February and, more strongly, the Bolshevik Revolution of October 1917 forced the Jadids to make crucial decisions about their immediate and long-term goals and the means of achieving them. The most urgent tasks before them were political mobilization and alliances.

The Jadids were by no means novices in either organization or politics, even though before 1917 they had had to avoid open, coordinated confrontation with the emir and the Russian administration. They had formed an association in Bukhara in 1910, Tarbiyai atfol (Tarbiat-e aṭfāl) “The education of children,” primarily to promote their educational reforms. It had twenty-eight members, fourteen of whom were mullahs, and it remained secret until its dissolution in April 1917, because the authorities treated the work of enlightenment as revolutionary. The association helped students in various ways, and since there was no new-method madrasa in Bukhara, it undertook to send students to Orenburg, Kazan, Urfa, Istanbul, and Cairo (Gafarov, pp. 88-99). Its members also harbored long-term political goals, notably the transformation of the emirate into a modern state by transforming its fiscal system and combating corruption. These two directions, the cultural and the political, over time caused serious divergences within the association. A number of activists, led by Feṭrat, became impatient with its concentration on cultural matters and demanded economic and social reforms to improve the lives of the common people.

The years between 1917 and 1920 were marked by upheaval in Central Asia. They were decisive for the Jadids, as revolution changed the very character of their project; the era of classical Jadidism was at an end. In the previous decade they had acted as a small intellectual elite. Now they were forced to adjust their program and methods to the demands of mass political and social struggle, and they had not only to confront the emir and the conservative ulama, but also to maneuver among competing Russian political forces in Tashkent and other cities. As their involvement in the affairs of the new Russia deepened, political activism became the defining feature of Jadidism, and new men came to the fore. One of them was Fayzulla Khojaev, who renounced Jadidism in favor of revolutionary change (Alimova, 1997, pp. 37-47).

The Jadids welcomed the February Revolution as the beginning of a new era in the history of Central Asia. They pressed forward with educational reforms and founded newspapers, but in March they formed a new party, that of the Young Bukharans, as they came to be known, whose main goals were political. No longer satisfied to pursue change by private, cultural means, they recognized the advantages of using state power.

They were thus eager to drive the emir from Bukhara and to replace him by a democratic order that would allow Muslims to be fully represented in administrative and legislative bodies. They wrung liberal decrees from an embattled emir, but when they challenged him with public demonstrations in Bukhara, he arrested large numbers and withdrew his reforms (ʿAyni, 1987, pp. 139-99). When in the spring and summer the Russian Provisional Government in Petrograd failed to support them, they turned elsewhere for allies.

Many Jadids associated themselves with the Bolsheviks after October 1917. Bolshevik promises of social and economic emancipation and, especially, their “Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia” of 2 November made an enormous impression on the Young Bukharans. Typical of their endorsement of the Bolshevik Revolution was Čolpan’s poem, Qizil bayroq (Qezel bayrāq “The red flag;” 1918), which hailed it as the harbinger of “freedom” and “prosperity,” and ʿAyni’s Marshi khurriyat (Mārš-e ḥorriyat “The freedom march;” 1918), based on La Marseillaise (the French national anthem composed during the French Revolution), which proclaimed the advent of “liberty” and “justice.”

The link between the Young Bukharans and the Bolsheviks was tenuous from the start. The basis for their cooperation lay in the realization that they needed one another to achieve their respective goals. They agreed on getting rid of the emir and his regime, but whereas the Young Bukharans wanted autonomy and self-determination (A’zamkhojaev), as promised in the “Declaration of Rights,” the Bolsheviks were intent on bringing Central Asia under their own control. The result was growing despair among some Young Bukharans, notably Behbudi and Awlāni, particularly after forces controlled by the Russian-dominated Tashkent Soviet, the center of power in Turkestan, crushed the Kokand Autonomy, the short-lived Muslim experiment in self-government from December 1917 to February 1918.

Behbudi, who had hoped for the establishment of an autonomous Turkestan within a Russian federated republic, was thoroughly disillusioned, and Awlāni condemned the suppression of that autonomy in a series of poems published in the newspaper Ishtirokiyun (Ešterākiyun “The Communists”) in 1919. Other, more radical Young Bukharans, led by Fayzulla (Fayż-Allāh) Khojaev, who emerged as their political leader, and Feṭrat, continued to see in the Bolsheviks their main hope for the future. Thus, when the Bolsheviks founded the Communist Party of Turkestan in June 1918, many Young Bukharans, including Awlāni and Tawallā, became members.

Decisive for the Young Bukharan movement was the overthrow of the emir of Bukhara by the Red Army, which entered the city on 2 September 1920. Young Bukharans returned the following day and formed a revolutionary committee. It became the foundation of the Bukharan People’s Soviet Republic with Khojaev as chairman of the Council of Ministers (Khodzhaev, pp. 163-94).

For many Young Bukharans the experience of managing the affairs of the new republic between 1920 and 1924 proved bitterly disappointing. They had entered office with high hopes of advancing enlightenment and creating new political and social institutions. True to their Jadid origins and guided by Feṭrat as minister of education, they immediately formulated ambitious plans to increase literacy and to establish colleges to train the teachers for their projected network of modern schools, but here and in other areas they accomplished little, in part because they lacked funds and skilled people. Nor did they have the support of the new Soviet leaders.

Their supposed mentors were pursuing their own agenda for centralization and judged the Young Bukharans’ strivings for self-determination as inimical to their purposes. Matters came to a head in 1923 when they dismissed most of the officials of the Bukharan Republic, including Feṭrat, in order to make way for a new political order in Central Asia.

Alongside these political struggles other changes of great consequence for the future of Central Asia were taking place within the Young Bukharan circle itself. Uzbek-Tajik bilingualism, one of the pillars of early Jadidism, was dissolving. It could not survive the growing national feeling and the burgeoning separate ethnic identities, all of which received added impetus from the Soviet state’s division of Central Asia into ethnically based republics and its support for indigenous languages and literatures.

ʿAyni and Feṭrat had been leading representatives of the linguistic and literary ties that united Tajiks and Uzbeks, but after 1917 they became ardent promoters of separate cultures. Feṭrat, who had earlier used Persian almost exclusively, turned to Uzbek. He now spoke of Turkestan as the homeland of Turkic Muslims, and in 1918 he organized a circle, the Chaghatoy Gurungi, to promote Turkic self-consciousness and Turkic culture. For his part, ʿAyni, who grouped Tajik intellectuals around the weekly Communist newspaper, Šuʿlai inqilob (Šoʿla-ye enqelāb “The flame of revolution”), published in Samarkand from 1919 to 1921, promoted a distinct Tajik literature and an awareness of the Tajiks’ deep Iranian roots in Central Asia. He strove to make his prose more Tajik by using the vernacular and folk sayings and by avoiding the use of Uzbek words (Naby, pp. 150-52, 193). Yet, despite the enthusiasm of Uzbek and Tajik intellectuals for the new mellats (nations), relations between them remained cordial. At the same time they both bore witness to the passing of Persian as the lingua franca of Central Asian intellectual life and the introduction of Russian as its eventual replacement.

Many Young Bukharans, including ʿAyni, Qāderi, and Čolpan, turned away from political engagement to literature in the 1920s. In so doing, they laid the foundations of modern Uzbek and Tajik fiction. In the four novels ʿAyni wrote in the 1920s and 1930s, notably Doḵunda (1930) and Gulomon (Ḡolāmān “The Slaves;” 1934 in Uzbek; 1935, in Tajik), he was chiefly responsible for laying down the norms of the modern Tajik literary language; Qāderi experimented with new prose forms in his novels, Utkan kunlar “Past days” (1922) and Mehrobdan čayon “A scorpion from the mehrāb” (1929), and became the inspiration of later Uzbek novelists (Kleinmichel, pp. 201-59); and, like his colleagues, Čolpan in short fiction such as Taraqqi “Progress” (1924), remained faithful to the Jadid tradition in his advocacy of education, the renewal of society, and the emancipation of women. The course of their literary careers, however, was far from smooth (Sharafiddinov). When Qāderi and Čolpan and other Young Bukharans challenged the prevailing Soviet literary theory that came to be known as socialist realism, they suffered the harsh criticism of proletarian critics for their “nationalist” and “bourgeois” ideas.

Literary controversy was merely a symptom of deeper rifts. The incompatibility between the Young Bukharans’ aspirations and Stalin’s Soviet regime widened on all fronts in the 1930s and assumed violent forms. Feṭrat, Qāderi, Čolpan, Tawallā, and even Khojaev were among those who perished in the Stalinist purges; ʿAyni, almost alone, survived. By 1939 the great Jadid generation had been largely wiped out. Soviet authorities tried for several decades afterward to expunge the memory of them, too, but a few writers, such as Qāderi, returned to print in the 1950s. Interest in the Jadids revived in the 1980s with ‘perestroika’ and then flourished after 1991.

Bibliography:

A. Works on Jadidism: Adeeb Khalid, The Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform: Jadidism in Central Asia, Berkeley, 1998, is an indispensable starting point for a study of Jadidism. Useful general surveys are Hèlène Carrere d’Encausse, Réforme et revolution chez les musulmans de l’Empire Russe, 2nd ed., Paris 1981 (tr. Quintin Hoare as Islam and the Russian Empire: Reform and Revolution in Central Asia, Berkeley, 1998), which covers political, economic, and cultural development from the second half of the 19th century to the end of the Bukharan People’s Soviet Republic in 1924; and Namoz Khotamov, Sverzhenie emirskogo rezhima v Bukhare (The overthrow of the emirate of Bukhara), Dushanbe, 1997, which traces events in Bukhara from the beginning of the 20th century through the formation of the Bukharan Republic in 1920. On Jadidism specifically: Numandzhon Gafarov, Istoriya kul’turno-prosvetitel’skoĭ deiatel’nosti dzhadidov v bukharskom emirate (History of the cultural and enlightenment activity of the Jadids of the Emirate of Bukhara), Khojand, 2000, is based on the extensive use of Jadid writings; Dilorom Agzamovna Alimova, ed., Jadidčilik: eslahot, yangilaniš, mostaqillik va taraqqiyot učun kuraš, Tashkent, 1999; and Rustam Sharipov, Turkiston jadidčilik harakati tariḵidan, Tashkent, 2002, investigate important aspects of Jadid thought and activities. Succinct appraisals of Jadidism are to be found in Hisao Komatsu, “The Evolution of Group Identity among Bukharan Intellectuals in 1911-1928: An Overview,” Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, no. 47, Tokyo, 1989, pp. 115-44; and Begali Qosimov, “Sources littérarires et principaux traits distinctifs du djadidisme turkestanais (début du XXe siècle),” Cahiers du monde russe 37/1-2, 1996, pp. 107-32. Stéphane A. Dudoignon, “La Question scolaire à Boukhara et au Turkestan russe, du ‘premier renouveau’ à la sovietisation (fin du XVIIIe siècle-1937),” Cahiers du monde russe 37/1-2, 1996, pp. 133-210 and Ulughbek Dolimov, Turkistonda jadid maktablari, Tashkent, 2006, focus on the Jadids’ commitment to education. The Jadid press and the influences on it are covered in M. Babakhanov, Iz istorii periodicheskoĭ pechati Turkestana (From the history of the periodical press of Turkestan), Dushanbe, 1987; Alexandre Bennigsen and Chantal Lemercier-Quelquejay, La Presse et le mouvement national chez les Musulmans de Russie avant 1920, Paris, 1964; and G. L. Dmitriev, “Rasprostranenie indiĭskikh izdaniĭ v Sredneĭ Azii v kontse XIX-nachale XX vekov (The dissemination of Indian publications in Central Asia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th),” Kniga. Issledovaniya i materialy 6, Moscow, 1962, pp. 239-54. Especially valuable is A. Jalolov and H. Ozganboev, Ozbek maʿrifatparvarlik adabiyotining taraqqiyotida vaqtli matbuotning orni, Tashkent, 1993, which analyzes in detail Taraqqi and other Jadidist newspapers.

The influence of Ismail Gasprinski on the Jadid press and on prominent Jadids is covered in articles in Ismoil Gasprinsky va Turkiston/Ismail Gasprinsky i Turkestan, Tashkent, 2005. On Jadid prose and poetry Edward Allworth, Uzbek Literary Politics, The Hague, 1964, is wide-ranging and judicious; Eden Naby, “Transitional Central Asian Literature: Tajik and Uzbek Prose Fiction from 1909 to 1932,” unpub. Ph.D diss., Columbia University, 1975, is full of insights and valuable comparisons; and Sigrid Kleinmichel, Aufbruch aus orientalischen Dichtungstraditionen: Studien zur usbekischen Dramatik und Prosa zwischen 1910 und 1934, Budapest, 1993, is indispensable. Akademiia Nauk Uzbekskoi SSR, Istoriya uzbekskoĭ sovetskoĭ literatury (History of Uzbek Soviet literature) I, Tashkent, 1987, pp. 17-175, surveys literature from a specific ideological and aesthetic perspective. A. Jalolov, XIX asr oḵiri XX asr bošlaridagi ozbek adabiyoti, Tashkent, 1991, on the period up to 1917, is an invaluable guide. Drama is covered in Shuhrat Rizaev, Jadid dramasi, Tashkent, 1997, which describes the evolution of Jadid dramas and presents the texts of representative plays; and in B. Imomov, Q. Joraev, and H. Hakimova, Ozbek dramaturgiyasi tariḵi, Tashkent, 1995, pp. 14-77. One may also consult Uzbekskiĭ sovetskiĭ teatr (The Uzbek Soviet theater), ed. A. M. Rybnik, Tashkent, 1966, and Mamadhzan Rakhmanov, Uzbekskiĭ teatr s drevneishikh vremen do 1917 goda (The Uzbek theater from the earliest times to 1917), [?] Tashkent, 1968.
B. Works about and by individual Jadids (alphabetically): Sirojiddin Ahmad (Serāj-al-Din Aḥmad), “Munawwar Qori,” Šarq yulduzi, 1992, no. 5, pp. 105-19.
Ahmad Aliev, Mahmudḵoja Bihbudiy (Maḥmud Ḵᵛāja Behbudi), Tashkent, 1994.
Dilorom Agzamovna Alimova, “Fayzulla Kojaev va Jadidčilik,” in idem, ed., Fayzulla Kojaev hayoti va faoliyati haqida yangi mulohazarlar, pub. with Fayzulla Khojaev, Buḵoro inqilobining tariḵiga materiallar, Tashkent, 1997, pp. 37-47.
Dilorom Agzamovna Alimova and D. Rashidova, Makhmudkhodzha Bekhbudiy i ego istoricheskie vozzreniya (Mahmudkoja Behbudi and his historical views), Tashkent, 1998.
Idem, Mahmudḵuja Behbudiy va uning tariḵi tafakkuri, Tashkent, 1999.
Edward Allworth, The Preoccupations of Abdalrauf Fitrat, Bukharan Nonconformist, Berlin, 2000 (an exhaustive bibliography of Feṭrat’s works).
Idem, Evading Reality: The Devices of Abdalrauf Fitrat: Modern Central Asian Reformist, Leiden, 2002.
Abdulla Avloniy (ʿAbd-Allāh Awlāni), Tanlangan asarlar, 2 vols., Tashkent, 1998, vol. one contains a study of Avloniy’s life and works by B. Qosimov, pp. 5-78.
Ṣadr-al-Din ʿAyni, “Jallodoni Buḵoro” (Jallādān-e Boḵārā), Kulliyot (Kolliyāt) I, Stalinabad (Dushanbe), 1958, pp. 101-82.
Idem, Ta’riḵi inqilobi Buḵoro (Tāriḵ-e enqelāb-e Boḵārā), Dushanbe, 1987.
Idem, Yaddoshtho, 4 vols., Stalinabad (Dushanbe), 1949-54; ed. ʿAli-Akbar Saʿidi Sirjāni as Yāddāšthā, 4 vols. in one, Tehran, 1983.
S. S. A’zamkhojaev, “Turkiston mukhtoriiati-jadidlar milliy-demokratik davatchilik ghoialarining amaldagi ifodasi,” in Dilorom Agzamovna Alimova, ed., Jadidčilik: Islahot, yangilaniš, mustaqillik va taraqqiyot učun kuraš, Tashkend, 1999, pp. 152-73.
I. Braginskiĭ, Sadriddin Aini: Zhizn’i tvorchestvo (Sadriddin Aini, “Life and Works”), 2nd ed., Moscow, 1978.
Abdulhamid Suleyman (ʿAbd-al-Ḥamid Solaymān) Čolpan, Adabiyot nadir, Tashkent, 1994.
ʿAbd-al-Raʾuf Feṭrat, Monāẓara-ye modarres-e boḵārāʾi bā yak nafar farangi dar Hendustān dar bāra-ye makāteb-e jadida, Istanbul, 1911.
Keith Hitchins, “ʿAynī, Ṣadr-al-Din,” in EIr. III, pp. 144-49.
Faizulla Khodzhaev (Khojaev), “K istoriĭ revoliutsiĭ v Bukhare i natsonal’nogo razmezhevaniya Srednei Azii (On the history of the revolution in Bukhara and the national boundary delimitation of Central Asia),” in Idem, Izbrannye trudy (Selected works) I, Tashkent, 1970, pp. 68-194.
Naim Karimov, Abdulhamid Sulaymon uḡli Čulpon, Tashkent, 1991.
Hamza Hakimzoda Niyoziy (Ḥamza Ḥakimzāda Niāzi), Tola asarlar toplami, 5 vols., Tashkent, 1988-89.
Sobir Mirbaliev, Abdulla Qodiriy (Hayoti va ijodi), Tashkent, 2004.
Ibrohim Mirzaev, Abdulla Qodiriyning ijodiy evoliutsiyasi, Tashkent, 1977.
Anbar Otin, Sheʿrlar: risola (Šeʿrlar: resāla), Tashkent, 1970.
Abdulla Qodiriy (ʿAbd-Allāh Qāderi), Tola asarlar toplami I, Tashkent, 1995.
Habibulla Qodiriy (Ḥabib-Allāh Qāderi), Otam haqida, Tashkent, 1983.
Mahbuba Qodirova, Shoira Anbar Otin, Tashkent, 1991.
Begali Qosimov, Maslakdošlar. Behbudiy, Ajziy, Fitrat, Tashkent, 1994.
M. Rahmonov, Hamza Hakimzoda Niyoziy va ozbek sovet teatri, Tashkent, 1959.
O. Sharafiddinov, “20-30 yillardagi hukmron ‘mafkura’ va jaded adabiyoti,” in Dilorom Agzamovna Alimova, ed., Jadidčilik: Islahot, yangilaniš, mustaqillik va taraqqiyot učun kuraš, Tashkent, 1999, pp. 188-200.
Iusuf Sultanov, Khamza. Ocherk zhizni i tvorchestva (Hamza. A sketch of his life and works), Tashkent, 1984.
Tolagan Khojamiyorov Tavallo (Tawallā), Ravnaq ul-Islom (Rawnaq al-Eslām), Tashkent, 1993 (A short introduction to Tawallā’s life by B. Qosimov, pp. 3-12).
(K. Hitchens)
Originally Published: December 15, 2008
Last Updated: April 5, 2012
This article is available in print.
Vol. XIV, Fasc. 4, pp. 339-346

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Muxbirimiz Shöhret Hoshur
2014-01-02

31-Dékabir küni guentanamodin slowakiyege yétip barghan uyghurlar, bügün muxbirimizning ziyaritini qobul qilip, özlirining nöwettiki ehwali heqqide qisqiche melumat berdi. Ular bergen melumatida seper harduqlirining téxi chiqip bolmighanliqi we orunlashturushning téxi dawam qiliwatqanliqini bildürüsh bilen birlikte, özlirining teqdirige köngül bölgen we özliri üchün dua qilghan barliq wetendashlirigha salam yollidi. Guentanamodiki uyghurlar mesilisidin yéqindin xewerdar bolghan we bir mezgil terjimanliq qilghan roshen abbas xanim we nuri türkel ependiler bügün bu xewer heqqide öz tesiratlirini bayan qildi. Nuri türkel ependi sözide «bu xewer uyghur xelqining yekende étiwétilgen 8 neper oghlani üchün échishqan yürikige bir teselli boldi» dédi.

31-Dékabir küni guentanamodin qoyup bérilip slowakiyege yétip barghan 3 neper uyghur-Yüsüp abbas, seydullah xaliq we hajiekber abduxaliq bolup, bulardin yüsüp abbas soallirimizgha jawab berdi:

Soal: essalamueleykum?
Jawab: weeleykum essalam werehmetullahi berikatu!
Soal: men erkin asiya radiosining muxbiri shöhret bolimen.
Jawab: he, shöhretkammu, özingiz yaxshimu?
Soal: yaxshi-Yaxshi. Radiodiki hemmeylenning silerge salimi bar.
Jawab: rehmet, rehmet!
Soal: qandaqraq ehwalinglar?
Jawab: herqaysinglarning duasi bilen yaxshi turduqqu!
Soal: silerning guentanamodin qoyuwétilgenlikinglar heqqidiki xewer weten ichi-Sirtidiki barliq uyghurlarni xushalliqqa chömdürdi. Shunga silerning nöwettiki ehwalinglarni radio anglighuchilargha yetküzüsh üchün téléfon qilishim.
Jawab: yaxshi boptu. Biz shu, düshenbe küni pishin waqti bilen kelgen. Seper harduqlirimizmu téxi chiqip bolmidi. Közimizni téngip ekelgechke, burunlirimiz téxiche ichiship we bezide qanap turidu. Hazir téxi bir öyge solinip turduq. 2-3 Adem bu öyge kirip-Chiqip turidu. Kimler bu dések, mushu öyning igisi dégen؛ yene bir sorisaq, silerni qoghdaydighanlar deydu؛ ehwalimizni hazirche yaxshi dep kételmeymiz.
Soal: démek, hazir siler orunlashturulush basquchida dégen gep?
Jawab: shundaq. Bu yerde hazir musulmanlar yaki meschitnimu körmiduq, musulmanche ashxanimu yoq.
Soal: hazir siler paytextte emesmu?
Jawab: yaq emes. Bashqa bir sheherde, öydin talagha chiqmay olturduq, néme ishlar bolushini uqmay ganggirap turuwatimiz.
Soal: silerge qaysi sheherge orunlashturulidighanliqinglar we qandaq yerde turidighanliqinglar heqqide melumat bérilgenmu?
Jawab: eslidiki gep boyiche bolghanda, paytextke orunlishishimiz kérekti, undaq bolmidi؛ aldanduqmu néme ish boldi, uqmiduq.
Soal: qandaq, bu yéngi muhitqa, bolupmu hawa we waqit perqlirige maslishalmaydighan ehwallar boluwatamdu?
Jawab: kelgili ikki kün boldi, öyge solinip turduq, taladiki hawani körgüchimu bolmiduq.
Soal: eslide radio anglighuchilirimiz siler heqqide bilishke tégishlik jiq ishlar bar؛ emma baya déginingizdek, seperning harduqliri téxi chiqip bolmaptu؛ shunga waqtinglarnimu köp almayli. Shundaqtimu silerning baldurraq qoyup bérilishinglarni arzu qilghan we buning üchün dua qilghan wetendashlargha deydighan bir gep-Sözünglar barmu?
Jawab: qalghanlar charchap dem éliwatidu؛ menmu toluq eslimge kelmidim. Biz mushu jüme künliri dostlar bilen bu heqte bir sözlishimiz؛ hazirche wetendashlirimizgha salimimizni yetküzüp turunglar, salam éytinglar.
Soal: bolidu emise, silerge tinchliq we xatirjemlik tileymiz.
Jawab: bolidu, rehmet, kéyin yene körüsheyli.

Ötken yilning axirqi künliri, guentanamodiki eng axirqi üch uyghurning erkinlikke érishishi, uyghur jemiyitide söyünch we hayajan peyda qildi. Bezi ijtimaiy axbarat wasitiliride bu xewer, uyghurlar üchün eng menilik yéngi yil sowghisi déyildi. Biz bügün öz feysbok bétige ene shu xil tesirat bayan qilghan roshen abbas xanimni ziyaret qilduq.

Soal: guentanamodiki 3 uyghurning qoyup bérilgenliki, ularning ehwalini yéqindin bilgen biri bolush süpitingiz bilen sizde qandaq tesir peyda qildi?
Jawab: bu hemmimiz üchün chong bir xushxewer hem muweppeqiyet boldi. Guentanamogha uyghurlar eng deslep 2012-Yili 2-Ayda barghan. Shundaq bolghanda, bu üchining guentanamoda turghan waqti ikki ay kem 12 yil dégen gep. Bularni ariliqta kosta riko rispoblikisimu qobul qilmaqchi bolghan؛ biraq xitayning bésimi bilen ular teklipini qayturuwalghan, shunga, xitay yene tosalghu qilsa, bu balilarning chiqishi yene kéchikermu dégen endishide iduq, shunga bu xewerni anglap hemmimiz xosh bolduq. Méning 10-11 Yilliq hayatim guentanamodiki balilargha terjimanliq qilish we orunlashturush ishlirigha arilishish bilen ötti. Shunga bu xewerdin bekla söyündüm.
Soal: slowakiyege barghan üchining qoyup bérilishide, bunchiwala kéchikishide néme seweb bar؛ ularning ehwali bashqilardin perqliqmu yaki teleysizlikmu?
Jawab: ehwali bashqilar bilen oxshash, gunahsiz dep békitilgen, peqet xitayning tosqunluqi bilen qobul qilidighan döletning derhal chiqmasliqi buninggha seweb boldi. Eger xalighan bolsa 2009-Yili palawgha bérishi mumkin idi؛ biraq u yerdiki sharaitni özlirige muwapiq körmigenliki, téximu muhimi u yerge waqitliq orunlashturulidighanliqini uqqandin kéyin, ular muqim bir yerge bérishni oyliship, bérishni ret qilghan.

Guentanamodiki uyghurlar mesiliside hazirgha qeder amérikidin 10 gha yéqin uyghur terjimanliq we bashqa xizmetlerde boldi. Bulardin biri adwokat nuri türkel, u özining bu heqtiki qarashlirini biz bilen ortaqlashti.

Qutadghu Biligning Perghane Nusxisi We Uning Ürümchidiki Yéngi Neshri

Muxbirimiz Qutlan
2014-01-02
qutadghu-bilik-bilig-qayta-neshr.jpg

«Qutadghu bilik» ning perghane nusxisining uyghurche ilmiy neshrini tarqitish murasimida péshqedem tilshunas mirsultan osman söz qilmaqta. 2013-Yili 3-Dékabir, ürümchi.

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Yéqinda ürümchide neshr qilinghan «qutadghu bilig» ning perghane nusxisining eng yéngi ilmiy neshri dunya türkologiye sahesidiki muhim emgeklerning biri süpitide qaralmaqta.

Qaraxanilar xandanliqi dewride meydangha kelgen shahane eser – «Qutadghu bilig» ning hazirghiche melum bolghan üch nusxisi bolup, bularning ichide perghane nusxisi tashkentte saqlanmaqta iken. «Qutadghu bilig» ning abduréhim ötkür qatarliq alim-Edibler teripidin 1983-Yili neshr qilinghan uyghurche tunji neshri yoruqluqqa chiqip 30 yil ötkendin kéyin, oqurmenler bilen yüz körüshken perghane nusxisi muhim ilmiy qimmetke ige iken.

«Qutadghu bilig» ning perghane nusxisi péshqedem tilshunas mirsultan osmanning birqanche yilliq japaliq emgiki bilen uyghurche ilmiy transikiripitsiye halitide yoruq körgen. Mezkur nusxining bu qétimliq uyghurche mukemmel ilmiy neshride ilgiriki alimlarning bu sahede sadir qilghan bezi xataliqliri we yétishsizlikliri tüzitilgen. Qayta oqush we ilmiy neshrini ishlesh jeryanida bayqalghan yéngiliqlar hemde qolgha kelgen yéngiche ilmiy yekünler kitabning aldigha bérilgen zor hejimlik kirish sözide tepsiliy sherhilengen.

«Qutadghu bilig» ning perghane nusxisining uyghurche ilmiy neshrini ishleshni ürümchi «seherchi» medeniyet tereqqiyat cheklik shirkiti meblegh bilen teminligen. Mezkur shirketning diréktori gholam ependi bu eserning mukemmel ilmiy neshrige kétidighan barliq xirajetni öz üstige alghan.

2013-Yili noyabirda mezkur kitab shinjang uniwérsitéti neshriyati teripidin ilmiy ölchem we yuqiri basma süpet bilen neshr qilinghan. 12-Ayning 3-Küni ürümchide «qutadghu bilig» ning perghane nusxisining uyghurche ilmiy neshrini tarqitish murasimi ötküzülgen. Murasimda péshqedem tilshunas mirsultan osmangha ton kiydürülgen. Bu sahede uzaq yillardin buyan emgek singdürgen péshqedem tetqiqatchilargha «qutadghu bilig» ning yéngi neshri sowgha qilinghan.

Gérmaniye göttingen uniwérsitétining tetqiqatchisi, qedimki uyghur tili mutexessisi doktor ablet semet ziyaritimizni qobul qilip «qutadghu bilig» ning perghane nusxisi heqqide toxtaldi. U perghane nusxisining bayqilish jeryani, herqaysi ellerdiki neshr qilinish tarixi hemde yéqinda yoruq körgen uyghurche ilmiy neshrining alahidilikliri heqqide tepsiliy melumat berdi.

Tepsilatini awaz ulinishtin anglighaysiz.

2013 – Yilli Sherqiy Türkistanda Yüzbergen Qanliq Weqelerning Biyograpiyisi

 

Bayraq

1. Poskam Köybagh Weqesi

2013-yili 8-ayning 23-küni Qeshqer Poskam nahiyisi Köybagh yézisida toqunush bolup, 6 Uyghur öldi, 20 nechchisi yarlandi.

2. Qaghiliq Yilqichi Weqesi

2013-yili 8-ayning 20-küni Qeshqer Qaghiliq nahiyisining Yilqichi yézisida toqunush bolup, 22 neper Uyghur öldi, 4 tutqun qilindi, yarlanghanlar sani éniq emes.

3. Yéngisar Uchur Weqesi

2013-yili 5-ayning 9-küni Qeshqer Yéngisar nahiyisi Uchur yézisida toqunush bolup, 4 Uyghur öldi, 16 si tutqun qilindi, yarlanghanlar éniq emes.

4. Maralbeshi Sériqbuya Weqesi

2013-yili 4-ayning 26-küni Qeshqer Maralbeshi nahiyisi Sériqbuya bazirida toqunush bolup, 21 adem ölgen, nurghun kishi yarlanghan, 17 Uyghur tutqun qilinghan.

5. Ghora Chöl Weqesi

2013-6-3-küni Aqsu Awat nahiyisi Ghora Chöl yézisida toqunush bolup 12 adem ölgen. Nurghun kishi yarlan’ghan, ikki kishi tutqun qilin’ghan.

6. Pichan Lukchun weqesi

2013-yili 6-aynig 26-küni Pichanning Lukchun bazirida Uyghur erkinlik jengchiliri Xitayning saqchi we hökmet organlirigha hujum qilghan. Weqede 45 adem ölüp, 70 tin artuq adem tutqun qilin’ghan.

7. Xoten Xanériq Weqesi

2013-yili 6-aynig 29-küni Xoten Xanériq yézisida jüme namizidin yanghan jamaet topliship, Xoten shehrige qarap namayishqa mangghanda Xitay saqchiliri terpidin oqqa tutulup, 270 tin artuq adem öltürülgen we köpligen ademyardar qilin’ghan, ölgen we yarlan’ghanlarning hemmisi izdereksiz yoqap ketken.

8. Yeken 26-sentebir Odanliq Weqesi

2013-yili 9-ayning 26-küni Yekening Ondanliq yézisida Xitay saqchiliri bilen Uyghurlar arisida toqunush yüz bérip, az degende 7 kishi öltürülgen, nurghun kishi yarlan’ghan we tutqun qilin’ghan.

9. Xoten Qariqash Weqesi

2013-yili 6-ayning 20-küni Xoten Qariqash nahiyiside yette neper Uyghur pidayi Xitay ishchilirigha hujum qilip, 7 Xitay ishlemchini öltürgen, 2 sini yarlandurghan. Xitay saqchiliri weqedin kéyin bu yette neper Uyghur yashni tutqun qilghan we ular heqqide sot achqanliqi heqqide melomat bermigen.

10. Beijing Tianmen Weqesi

2013-yili 10-ayinng 28-küni Xitayning paytexti Beijing’da Uyghurlarning aptomobil bilen hujum qilish weqesi yüzbérip, 5 adem öldi, 40 kishi yarlandi, ölgenlerning 3 nepiri Uyghur, yarlanghanlarning 11 nepiri Xitay saqchisi, weqedin kéyin Xitaying bir qisim tor betliride Sherqiy Türkistanda 57 kishining tutqun qilinghanliqi xewer qilin’ghan.

11. Maralbéshi Sériqbuya Weqesi

2013-yili 11-ayning -16-küni 9 neper Uyghur pidayi Xitayning Maralbéshi Sériqbuya baziridiki saqchixanisigha hujum qilip, Xitayning 3 saqchisini öltürgen. Hujumchilar Xitay saqchiliri terpidin étip öltürülgen. Weqede 12 adem ölgen.

12. 15 – Dékabir Qeshaqer Kona Sheher Saybagh Weqesi

2013-12-15-Dékabir Qeshaqer Kona Sheher Saybagh weqesi yüz bérip, 14 neper Uyghur pidayi étip öltürüldi. Buning ichide 6 neper ayal, ikki Xitay saqchisi öldi.

13. 30 Dékabir Yeken Qanliq Weqesi

2013-12-30-dékabir Qeshqer Yeken nahiyiside Uyghur pidaylar bilen Xitay saqchiliri arsida qanliq toqunush yüzberdi. Weqe etigen seher waqti 4:30 da yüzbergen bolup, qollirigha palta – pichaq alghan 9 neper hujumchi Yeken nahiyilik saqchi idiraisigha hujum qilghan bolup, hujumchilarning 8 nepiri shehid qilin’ghan, 1 nepiri tutqun qilinghan, weqede Xitay saqchi tereptin qanchilik ademnig ölgen yarlanghanliqi namelum.

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