Türkiyede Xelqaraliq Balilar Bayrimi Paaliyitige Uyghur Ösmürlermu Qatnashti

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Xelqaraliq balilar bayrimi paaliyitige qatnashqan uyghur ösmürler. 2016-Yili 23-Aprél, türkiye.

RFA/Arslan

Türkiye kojaeli sheherlik hökümetning uyushturushi bilen bu yil 8-Nöwetliki ötküzülgen 23-Aprél xelqaraliq balilar bayrimi, telim-Terbiye we tentene qilish paaliyitige 41 dölet we rayondin ösmür balilar qatnashqan bolup, uyghur ösmürlerge wakaliten istanbuldin 25 uyghur ösmür qatnashti.

Qollirida «sherqiy türkistan» bayraqliri we uyghur chimen doppa, milliyche kiyimliri bilen paaliyetke qatnashqan uyghur ösmürler kishilerning alahide diqqitini tarqatti. Uyghur diyaridin türkiyege kélip olturaqlashqan uyghur aililerning pezentliridin 25 uyghur ösmür paaliyet ötküzülidighan sheherge yétip bérishi bilen, kojaeli dérinji nahiyisidiki hamit özdagh imam xatip toluqsiz ottura mektepte kojaeli sheherlik hökümet mesulliri, mektep mudiri we oqughuchilar teripidin qizghin kütüwélindi.

3 Kün dawam qilidighan bu paaliyet jeryanida méhman ösmürler türkiyilik aililer bilen munasiwet ornitish we qérindashliq rishti baghlash meqsette her bir türk ailige bir qanchidin méhman ösmürler orunlashturuldi.

Paaliyette uyghur ösmürler uyghur sama usuli teqdim qildi. Qollirida ay yultuzluq kök bayraqni kötürüp milliy kiyimliri bilen yürüsh qildi. Sheher bashliqliri we mektep mudirlirini ziyaret qilip, ay yultuzluq bayraq hediye qildi.

Biz bu paaliyet toghrisida téximu köp melumatqa érishish üchün uyghur ösmürlerge yétekchilik qilip paaliyetke qatnishiwatqan« sherqiy türkistan maarip we hemkarliq jemiyiti» ayallar bölümi mesuli munewwer özuyghurxanim bilen söhbet élip barduq.

Bérlinda Chaqirilghan Uyghurlar Musapirlar Mesilisi Xelqara Ilmiy Muhakime Yighini Ghelibilik Ayaqlashti

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Bérlinda chaqirilghan uyghurlar musapirlar mesilisi xelqara ilmiy muhakime yighinidin bir körünüsh

RFA/Haji Qutluq Qadiri

25 – Apréldin bashlap bérlinda chaqirilghan uyghur musapirlar mesilisi xelqara yighini 26 – Aprél ghelibilik axirlashti.

Ikkinchi künige qedem qoyghan xelqaraliq ilmiy muhakime yighini 26 – Aprél etigen yawropa sherqiy türkistan birliki teshkilatining reisi eniwerjanning riyasetchilikide bashlandi.

Yighinning etigenlik programmisida xeter astidiki milletler teshkilatining wekili ilariya «xelqara qanundiki qayturup bermeslik we qayturup bérishning aldini élish prinsipliri ehdinamisige imza qoymighan döletlerge bir nezer», türkiye fatih uniwérsitéti mutexessisi doktor mettursun beydulla «uyghur kimliki we muhajirette kimlikni saqlap qilish heqqide izdinish», türkiye hajettepe uniwérsitéti mutexessisi doktor erkin ekrem«zamaniwiy uyghur kimliki we uni qoghdash>» qatarliq témilarda maqalilirini oqup öttiwe bu heqte qismen mulahiziler élip bérildi. Ziyaritimizni qobul qilghan doktor erkin ekrem bu heqte qisqiche toxtaldi.

Yighining kéyinki programmilirida xeter astidiki milletler teshkilatining wekili xannoning «musapir uyghurlarning xitaygha qayturup bérilishini toxtitish we sherqiy türkistandiki uyghurlargha yardem qilish» namliq maqalisi, amérikidiki uyghur kishilik hoquq tetqiqat orgining mudiri alim séyitofning «ötmüshtin élinghan achchiq sawaqlar we uyghur musapirlirigha yardem béridighan paydiliq istratégiyeler» namliq maqalisi, yawropa chégraliri uyushmisining wekili haraldning «gérmaniye we yawropa birlikining panahliq we köchmenler siyasiti» namliq maqaller oqup ötülüp bu heqte bezi bir pikirler otturigha qoyuldi.

Yighinning ikkinchi künidiki uyghur musapirlar mesilisi heqqide oqup ötülgen barliq maqalilerge yighin ehli birdek pikir qatnashturup özlirining nöwettiki uyghur musapirlar mesilisige bolghan qarashlirini otturigha qoyup ötti.

Bügünki yighinda yene dunya uyghur qurultiyi teshwiqat merkizining mudiri perhat muhemmidi özining uyghur musapirlar mesilisi toghrisidiki tetqiqat maqalisini oqup keng yighin ehlining alqishigha érishti.

Biz yighindin kéyin bu qétimqi yighin heqqide bezi bir qarashlargha ige bolush üchün bir qisim yighin ehli bilen söhbet élip barduq.

Aldi bilen ziyaritimizni qobul qilghan amérika démokratiyeni ilgiri sürüsh fondining muawin reisi luyisa xanim özining qarashlirini bayan qilip:«men sözümni yighinchaqlap éytsam,uyghur musapirlar mesilisini hel qilish üchün heriket élip bérishimiz we uyghurlarning öz yurtlirida bixeter yashishigha kapaletlik qilishimiz kérek» dédi.

Dunya uyghur qurultiyi ijraiye komitétining mudiri dolqun eysa bu qétimqi yighinning ehmiyiti heqqide toxtaldi. Yighingha ishtirak qiliwatqan london uyghur ansambilining naxshichisi rehime yighin heqqide toxtaldi.

Bérlinda chaqirilghan bu qétimqi uyghur musapirlar mesilisi toghrisidiki xelqaraliq ilmiy muhakime yighinining yépilish murasimida dunya uyghur qurultiyining reisi rabiye qadir xanim uyghur mesilisini qollap kéliwatqan chetellik mutexessislerge uyghur doppisini teqdim qildi.

Yighin chüshtin kéyin saet beshte ghelibilik axirlashti.

Yuqiriqi awaz ulinishidin tepsilatini anglang.

ÇİN,AKSU’DA AYNİ AİLEDEN BİR KİŞİYİ İDAM, 6 KEŞİYİ İSE 64 YIL HAPİS CEZASINA ÇARPTIRDI

Uçturfan

 

Uygur Haber ve Araştırma Merkezi(UYHAM)
Komünist  Çin, işgali  altındaki Doğu Türkistan’da  yaşayan  Müslüman Uygur Türklerinin  bir an önce  toptan imhasını gerçekleştirmek için bahaneler,sebepler ve gerekçeler uydurarak kolektif asimilasyon ve soykırım uygulamalarının şiddetini arttırarak sürdürüyor.

İşgalcı Çin’in Doğu Türkistan,Tibet ve diğer Çinli olmayan ve azınlık olarak adlandırdığı halklara karşı uyguladığı insanlık dışı soykırım uygulamalarını egemen ve küresel güçler görmüyor,duymuyor ve hiç bir tepki de vermiyor.Bu tepkisizlik ve göz yumma ve çifte standartlı riyakar tutum,Çin’in bu sinisi yok etme uygulamalarını engelsizce  icra etmelerine yol açıyor. İnsan hakları ve demokrasi gibi evrensel kavramaları  işine geldiğinde   kullanmaya çalışan ve istismar eden küresel güçlerin  Çin’in bu cinayetlerine  hiç bir tepki vermeden göz yumması  onların  soykırım uygulamalarında   adeta Çin’in  ortakları haline getiriyor.


İşgalcı Çin’in bu  katliam ve  soykırım  uygulamalarının son örneği Kırgizistan’a komşu Aksu vilayeti’nin Unsu ilçesinde gerçekleştirdiği bildirildi.
Özgür Asya Radyosu muhabirlerinin Çağrak 2.kent Güvenlik(Amanlık Saklaş) Müdüründen telefonla aldığı bilgilere göre Aksu Vilayetinin .Unsu İlçesinin Çağrak Kenti’nde oturan Moniyaz Ailesinden şimdiye kadar toplam  6 erkek ve bir kız olmak üzere toplam 7 kişi tutuklanmıştır.Bunlardan birisi idam(a diğer 6 kişi ise,toplam 64 yıl hapse mahkum edildiği  kanıtlandı.

ئونسۇ چاغراقتا مۇنىياز ئائىلىسىدىن بىر قېرىنداش ئېتىلغان، 5 قېرىنداش ۋە بىر كۈيئوغۇل كېسىلگەن
1.- Abdullah Moniyaz : Kardeşlerden en büyüğü . 1997 yılında Urumçi’de meydana gelen Halk Otobüsünün bombalanması eylemine karışııtığı iddiası ile idam cezasına çarptırılmış ve derhal infaz edilmiştir.
2.- Vietnam’a kaçak yollardan giderek Hicret Suçu işledikleri ve bu ülke polisince yakalanarak Eylül 2013’de toplam 9 kişi ile birlikte Çin’e iade edilen Yasin Moniyaz 17 yıl, Abdulvahit Moniyaz ise 13 yıl
3._ Diğer 2 kardeş “Etnik Kin ve Nefreti Körüklemek” suçu işledikleri iddiası ile ; Akniyaz Moniyaz 11 yıl ,Abdurresul Moniyaz ile Abdulhekim Moniyaz ise,9’er yıl
4.- Ailenin tek kızı olan Ayşemgül Moniyaz ve eşi Emin Abdurrahim “Hicretçi” lere hicret etmeleri için para topladıkları ve bu suretle Hicret suçuna iştirak ettikleri  iddiası  ile 3’er yıl hapis cezasına çarptırılmış olup,Ayşemgül Moniyaz’in tutukluluk süresi  hapis cezasına sayılarak tahliye edildiği belirtildi.
Çin Kamu Güvenliği Bakanlığı kurumsal internet sitesi’nde yayınlanan “1996-2000 Yılları Arasında İşlenen Büyük Cinayetler ve Onların  Dosyaları” adlı belge’de de Abdullah Moniyaz’in 25 Şubat 1997’de Urumçi’de bombalanan Halk Otobüsü olayına karıştığı için idam cezasına çarptırıldığı ve infaz edildiği bilgisi yer alıyor.
Söz konusu raporda 25 Şubat 1997’de Urumçi’de 3 halk otobüsü aynı anda bomba ile patlatılmış olup,patlamalarda 9 kişi ölmüş ve 68 kişi çeşitli yerlerinden yaralandığı bilgisine de yer veriliyor.
Uzmanlar ; eldeki bütün bu bilgilere göre Moniyaz ailesinden bir kişinin bombalama olayı ile bağlantılı olarak idama mahkum edilmesinden sonra aynı aileninin bütün fertlerinin çeşitli ağır hapis cezalarına çarptrılmasını uluslararası hukuk ve temel adalet kurallarına aykırı olduğunu belirtiyorlar. ıAileden bir kişi’nin işlediği iddia edilen  bir suçtan  idam edilen bir üyesinden dolayı  bütün bir aile üyelerinin  tam bir toptan    cezalandırılması yöntemi  Faşist Almanyası’nın Yahudi ulusuna  reva gördüğü kollektif  cezalandırmanın bir örneği olduğu hususuunda birleşiyorlar.

 

 

ÇİN,AKSU’DA AYNİ AİLEDEN BİR KİŞİYİ İDAM, 6 KEŞİYİ İSE 64 YIL HAPİS CEZASINA ÇARPTIRDI.

Family of Jailed Uyghur Scholar Faces Severe Hardship, Social Isolation

2016-04-26
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Ilham Tohti and his wife in a photo sent to RFA’s Uyghur Service via WeChat on Jan 13, 2014, two days before his detention.

RFA

The wife of jailed Uyghur scholar Ilham Tohti is facing extreme hardship and increasing isolation as she struggles to raise the couple’s young sons in Beijing, she told RFA.

Guzelnur has been left with scant income to care for the couple’s young sons in Beijing while her husband serves a life sentence for “separatism,” she said.

“Sometimes I get financial help from friends or relatives, but they’ve got their own kids too, and their own expenses to meet,” she said in an interview on Tuesday.

“I make 3,500 yuan (U.S.$540) a month, and the nursery fees for my youngest are 1,200 yuan a month, while it costs 300 yuan a month for my eldest just to eat lunch in school,” she said.

“Sometimes a friend called Huang helps out by buying the kids some clothes, but he has his own family too.”

Guzelnur said she has also asked Tibetan poet and writer Woeser for help when things get tough.

She said she is unable to take time out from her children’s routine to visit her husband, who is serving his time in the remote northwestern Xinjiang region in spite of having made a life in Beijing.

Life sentence

Tohti, a former professor at the Central University for Nationalities in Beijing was sentenced to life in prison following his conviction on a charge of “separatism” by the Urumqi Intermediate People’s Court in Xinjiang on Sept. 23, 2014.

Asked if she visits her husband, Guzelnur said: “There is nobody to take care of the kids, and I am busy doing it.”

She said authorities at Urumqi’s No. 1 Prison, where Tohti is being held, are refusing to allow any items to be delivered to him by visitors, including clothing.

But she said the family has plans to travel back to the region during the summer holidays.

“I will be back at my parental home for those two months,” Guzelnur said.

Socially isolated

Beijing-based rights activist and family friend Hu Jia said Guzelnur has also become socially isolated since Tohti’s incarceration, as many of the couple’s former friends have withdrawn contact for fear of political reprisals.

“Guzelnur and the two kids have been living a very lonely life in Beijing since Ilham Tohti was detained,” Hu said in an interview on Tuesday.

“The Uyghurs who live here don’t dare have anything to do with them because they are afraid, and they are in economic hardship too,” he said.

Hu said Tohti, who was jailed over content posted on his UighurOnline website, is currently serving the longest sentence handed down to a political prisoner in China.

“His kids only get to visit him once a year, during the summer vacation,” Hu said. “I call on the international community to show more concern and support for his family and the hardship they face.”

Asked if she had considered leaving the country, or sending her children overseas to study, like the families of a number of other jailed dissidents, Guzelnur said none of the family has a current passport.

“None of us has a passport, and we don’t even have a household registration here in Beijing; it’s back in [Xinjiang],” she said. “We haven’t managed to get it transferred yet.”

“It’s too hard for us to get a passport [in Xinjiang].”

Migration controls

China’s nationwide “hukou,” or household registration system, gives families access to local services like education and health care, while unregistered people in China are excluded from social subsistence and health care reimbursement schemes, and are vulnerable to official harassment and fines.

Throughout most of China’s larger cities, migration is strictly monitored, and only arrivals with advanced degrees or special skills are able to qualify for a transfer of their “hukou” registration card.

While the government recently eased restrictions on household registration in Xinjiang, critics said the move was aimed at promoting ethnic majority Han Chinese resettlement to the area, with the mostly Muslim ethnic minority Uyghurs subject to a much more stringent application process.

Uyghurs and members of other non-Han Chinese groups in Xinjiang face huge barriers to applying for passports, and those who already hold them have been ordered in some regions to hand them in to police stations.

China has been keen to portray its Uyghur population as potential terrorists after a wave of violent incidents hit the region following a crackdown on deadly ethnic riots in Urumqi in July 2009.

Many Uyghurs try to leave China illegally, saying they are fleeing systematic persecution by the ruling Chinese Communist Party, which then puts strong diplomatic pressure on neighboring countries to return the fugitives to China rather than treating them as refugees.

Reported by Qiao Long for RFA’s Mandarin Service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

Jangha Zamin Jahalet We Milletning Chiqish Yoli!

 

Uyghuristan Republik

 

Jahalet awal milletning andin dinning, medeniyetning we iqtisadning düshminidur!Jahalet ikki xil bolidu.Biri bilim dunyasidiki nadanliq, ikkinchisi nadanliq dunyasidiki bilimsizlik.Bu ikkisi milletning chüshkünlishishi, dinning xarap bolishi we iqtisadning weyran bolishini keltürüp chiqiridu.

Düshmen millitimizni zawalliqqa yüzlendürüshte birge bolsa arimizdin chiqqan atist ziyalilar yene birge bolsa arimizdin chiqqan radikal dinchilardin qattiq ustiliq bilen paydilinip ketti. Köz yéshi derya bolup aqti, tökülgen qanlar déngizgha aylandi.

Ichkiy tashqiy düshmenler millitimizni xarap qilishta mekkarliq bilen hemkarlishiwatidu.Atalmish ziyalilarning diniy sapasining kam bolushi, atalmish diniy ölimalarning diniy heqiqetlerni emeliy hayatqa toghra tedbiqlap kételmesligi keyinki ikki esirdin béri millitimizning halini qoymidi.Érqiy we kultural qirghinchiliq tüpeylidin neslimiz topidek sorulup kétiwatidu.

Millitimiz kallisini qattiq silkiwitishi, dost bilen düshmenni periq etishi lazim! Düshmen bir milletni yoqutishqa orunghanda eng qimmetlik qediriyetliridin yeni ziyaliliridin, dindarliridin we puldarliridin nuxsan tépip, nuxsanlarni bolishigha köptürüp, andin namratlarni aldap, shu xeliqning orisini, yene eshu xeliqning qoli bilen qazidu!

Namratlar bir milletning ichidiki yara bolup, düshmenler awal ularni setiwalidu, shunga maddiy we meniwiy yoqsullargha ige chiqmighan millet meniwiyiti kesel bir millet bolup, düshmenning ayaq-astida cheylinishtin qurtulalmaydu!

Bir milletni qurtuldurushtin awal namratlar sinipigha saghlam bolghan köz-qulaq urnutush lazim! Namratlarni toydurush, namratlarning qelbini elimning nuri bilen yorutush bir millet/dewletning hayatliq buliqidur!

Herqandaq ishni chekidin ashuriwetish paydadin köprek ziyan élip kélidu.Ottura yol tutush eng toghra chare bolup, milliy, siyasiy we kultural tereptin özimizni qoghdap qelishta paydiliqtur!

Milletning serxilliri zamanning tengshekni yaxshi tutalmisa millet/dewlet gumran bolidu! Millitimizni, medeniyitimizni we dinimizni qoghdap qalayli deydikenmiz dunya weziyitini, rayon weziyitini we milliy weziyitimizni toghra analiz qilip, milletning aliy menpetlirige uyghun halda sotsiyal ehkamlar we qayide-yosunlarni dewir rohigha uyghun bekitishimiz lazim!(K.A)

25.04.2016 Gérmaniye

China fumes after India issues visa to Uyghur ‘terrorist’

  • Sutirtho Patranobis, Hindustan Times, Beijing
  • |

  • Updated: Apr 23, 2016 15:53 IST
China is angered over India’s decision to issue a visa to Uyghur activist Dolkun Isa, who Beijing has branded a terrorist. (Photo Courtesy: Dolkun Isa’s Twitter handle)

Beijing has reacted angrily after India granted a visa to a Germany-based Uyghur activist, branded a terrorist by the Chinese government, to attend a conference on democracy in Dharamsala later this month.

Munich-based Dolkun Isa, from the World Uyghur Congress (WUC), has been accused of terrorism and conspiracy to kill people in Xinjiang in China’s remote northwest. The WUC is a grouping of the Uyghur community outside China.

The moves comes against the backdrop of China blocking an Indian bid to sanction Pakistan-based Masood Azhar, the head of the banned Jaish-e-Mohammed, at the UN Security Council. China imposed a “technical hold” on the move, saying more information is needed on the matter.

“Dolkun Isa is a terrorist on red notice of Interpol and the Chinese police. Bringing him to justice is a due obligation of relevant countries,” China’s foreign ministry told Hindustan Times in an emailed response late on Thursday.

Read: China: Exiled Uyghurs demand probe into 2009 ethnic riots

The brief reaction was couched in diplomatic language but reflected Beijing’s anger.

The conference to which Dolkun Isa has been invited will be held between April 28 and May 1at Dharamsala, the seat of the Tibetan government-in-exile, and this has added to Beijing’s unease.

Exiled Chinese activists from around the world will gather to discuss democratic transition in China. Dharamsala-based Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama, labelled a “separatist” and “a wolf in sheep’s clothing” by China, is expected to address the meet.

The conference is being organised by US-based Citizen Power for China, which is led by Yang Jianli, who was involved in the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests.

Munich-based Dolkun Isa, who was granted asylum by Germany in the late 1990s, confirmed to Hindustan Times on email that he had received an electronic visa from India and is looking forward to his first visit to the country.

“Yes, I am invited one of the conference in Dharamsala which will be held between 28 April and May 1. I am planning to go, so I have got the electronic visa for India,” he said.

“I really want to visit India because I have never been (to) India,” he said. “India is one of my dream (countries) to visit.”

Read :‘Policies in Xinjiang brutal, cause trauma among Uyghurs’

The Xinjiang region has seen rioting and frequent violence between the local Uyghur population and government forces. Exiled Uyghur activists say the violence is a result of Beijing’s hardline policies and a reaction to the government’s efforts to subsume the unique local culture.

Dolkun said India and East Turkistan – the historical name of the region that China says separatist Uyghurs from Xinjiang are fighting for – had good relations.

“I would like to enjoy Indian culture. East Turkistan and India had a long and very good relationship in the history. Uyghurs love India’s people,” he said.

Talking about India and China, Dolkun said: “India is the world’s largest democratic nation and second big population after China. But China is still under totalitarianism rule. India has the responsibility to teach democracy to China.”

Dolkun acknowledged he has to be careful about his travel plans because of the Interpol notice against him.

“The Chinese government has made me an accused with Interpol and my name is on red (corner) notice. Because of this, I have faced troubles in some countries’ immigration. I was detained at the border of some countries. I have to be careful about travelling except in the European Union,” he said.

World Uyghur Congress spokesperson Dilxat Raxit said he hoped the Indian government was following the situation of Uyghurs in Xinjiang and would voice its “solidarity with their fight for justice”.

The controversy comes at a time when top Indian leaders, including external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj and National Security Adviser Ajit Doval, have raised the issue of China blocking India’s bid to sanction Masood Azhar at the UN.

The new row, coupled with the question of Azhar, could cast a shadow on President Pranab Mukherjee’s visit to China in late May.

 

http://www.hindustantimes.com/india/china-seething-after-india-issues-visa-to-uyghur-terrorist/story-uKjeZnyrRaRCkmBHxIwxaJ.html

China sitting on a tinderbox in Uyghuristan

China sitting on a tinderbox in Uyghuristan (NOT Xinjiang!)

 

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It is the forbidden lands of Xinjiang that test the Chinese regime’s stranglehold over the global Pan-Islamic wave of puritanical militancy and secessionist tendencies

 

Uyghur traders at a Sunday livestock market in Kashgar, Xinjiang. In the province, the majority Uyghurs (46.4%) aggressively jostle with Han (39%) to practise, preserve and perpetuate the Uyghur identity and relevance. Photo: Thinkstock

 

 

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China has been a cradle of religio-cultural diversities that were historically tolerated by the various ruling dynasties who claimed the ‘mandate of heavens’ to shape the overarching traditions, philosophies and cultures as opposed to the rigidity of a formal and definitive religion. However, since the Communist Party of China’s reign in 1949, Mao Zedong initially suppressed all expressions of societal religiosity, only to see a certain liberal acceptance of religious autonomy in recent times, as long as it didn’t conflict with regime survival.

Amidst a total population base of 1.4 billion, an estimated 1.7 to 2 per cent are of the Islamic faith (approximately 25 million). In addition to the majority Han population (91.6%), the Chinese government officially recognises 55 ethnic minorities (8.4% of population), of whom 10 are predominantly Sunni Muslims. Old manuscripts claim the advent of Islam to the 620s when Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas, uncle of the Islamic Prophet, supposedly came to China on a mission and established the Huaisheng Mosque, over 1,300 year ago.

Broadly speaking, there are two distinct groups of Islamic adherents in China – the majority Hui people (who are similar to the majority Han Chinese in terms of ethnic-lingual profiles, spread across China) and the more restive Turkic ethnicity based Uyghurs, who are concentrated around the Xinjiang Autonomous Region.

Interestingly, official Chinese cartography encompasses the Indian territory of Aksai Chin, within the Xinjiang Autonomous region – affording it borders with India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Mongolia and Russia. Within the cauldron of Xinjiang, the majority Uyghurs (46.4% of population) aggressively jostle with Han (39% of population) to practise, preserve and perpetuate the Uyghur identity and relevance.

It is the forbidden lands of Xinjiang that test the Chinese regime’s stranglehold over the global Pan-Islamic wave of puritanical militancy and secessionist tendencies – often, resulting in violence, popular unrests and hidden fissures that are kept away from the glares of the world. Chinese absolutism is practised to ensure the lid is kept on the region’s simmering dissent by the Uyghurs. However, the Chinese government’s Uyghur-specific discrimination has resulted in further alienation and hardening of the Uyghur Muslims and their causes of separatism.

The famed Chinese ‘strike hard’ approach against the ‘three evils of separatism, extremism and terrorism’ has clearly divided the Islamic adherents into two groups – one of the ‘patriotic Chinese Muslims’, i.e., Hui people (they have no secessionist group or tendencies), who are allowed to practise their faith and beliefs, and the other of the discriminated Uyghur, who pray in different mosques from the Hui, and who have East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) as the main secessionist group to form an independent ‘East Turkestan’.

The divide-and-rule of the Chinese government is clinically effective with the Hui Muslims seamlessly integrated into the Chinese mainstream. The taint of Islamic terror and fundamentalism is restricted to the Uyghurs. Usual tactics of repressive security cover to blank out news, demographic resettlements of Hans and the economic discriminations have increasingly marginalised the Uyghurs and therefore turned Xinjiang into a veritable tinderbox.

The footprint of the ETIM is visible from the cadres operating in Afghanistan (where they were trained by Al Qaida and 22 of them were arrested and detained in Guantanamo Bay), Pakistan (where they attacked Chinese engineers in the port city of Gwadar) and even in the ongoing conflict in Syria-Iraq, where the Uyghur cadres are seen fighting along the Al-Qaida affiliate, Nusra Front.

However, the ETIM (or Turkistan Islamic Party, as they call themselves) have been designated as a terrorist group by the US under Executive Order 13224 (blocking financial transactions) and the US Terrorist Exclusion List (which debars members from entering US). This terror designation is further confirmed by the UN, UAE, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and obviously China, thereby squeezing and limiting international support and funding. But, they have competing baiters amongst the ISIS, Al-Qaida and even the Taliban who empathise with the Uyghur cause and recruit their foot soldiers, arming and training the frustrated Uyghurs to the ultimate consternation of the Chinese.

Strategically for China, the import of Xinjiang unrest goes beyond the fears of Uyghur Islamic fundamentalism and militancy – it also tests the Chinese ability to cover its intrinsic fault lines in Tibet, Inner Mongolia and Taiwan, each of which has its own secessionist rationales against the mainland-Han Chinese rule. It forces doubts in the minds of the Chinese strategists and policy planners to invest in a restive area that is the principal highway of the strategic China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), as indeed the gateway to the energy-flush Central Asian Republics that are key to keep the Chinese engines of economic growth running.

 

So far, heavy boots on ground and providential international environment of most countries clamping down on terror groups has spared Xinjiang from going completely out of control, though over 200 acts of terrorist strikes have been attributed to the ETIM. There is no visible or credible Chinese governmental effort to economically or socially try and integrate the restive Uyghurs. On the contrary, it is the sole ‘strike hard’ approach, bereft of any inclusive imperatives, that is getting deployed and the same has diminishing returns in the modern era, especially for a religious movement and insurrection that knows no official border or emotional appeal amongst the adherents across the globe. Its appeal is theoretically more readily available than say for a Tibet or Taiwan that is restricted to its constituents, beyond a point.

 

Xinjiang is the underbelly of a glaring Chinese reality that potentially posits the duplicitous Chinese stand of vetoing against India in the UN forum towards Indian efforts to designate Maulana Masood Azhar as a terrorist, as the Chinese still feel comfortable to egg on the Indo-Pak game of cloak and dagger as a willing accomplice of Pakistan. Though like Pakistan, which self-admittedly is atoning the sins of supporting fundamentalism, this is Chinese augury for chickens to come home to roost in Xinjiang. The dynamics and intrigues of international diplomacy may force the wary Western powers and the other stakeholders to recognise the tactical utility of the Xinjiang unrest as a counter-check to Sino aggression, duplicity and hegemony in the region.

The writer is former Lt-Governor of Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and Puducherry.

visible or credible Chinese governmental effort to economically or socially try and integrate the restive Uyghurs. On the contrary, it is the sole ‘strike hard’ approach, bereft of any inclusive imperatives, that is getting deployed and the same has diminishing returns in the modern era, especially for a religious movement and insurrection that knows no official border or emotional appeal amongst the adherents across the globe. Its appeal is theoretically more readily available than say for a Tibet or Taiwan that is restricted to its constituents, beyond a point.Xinjiang is the underbelly of a glaring Chinese reality that potentially posits the duplicitous Chinese stand of vetoing against India in the UN forum towards Indian efforts to designate Maulana Masood Azhar as a terrorist, as the Chinese still feel comfortable to egg on the Indo-Pak game of cloak and dagger as a willing accomplice of Pakistan. Though like Pakistan, which self-admittedly is atoning the sins of supporting fundamentalism, this is Chinese augury for chickens to come home to roost in Xinjiang. The dynamics and intrigues of international diplomacy may force the wary Western powers and the other stakeholders to recognise the tactical utility of the Xinjiang unrest as a counter-check to Sino aggression, duplicity and hegemony in the region.The writer is former Lt-Governor of Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and Puducherry.

 

 

 

http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/comment/china-sitting-on-a-tinderbox-in-xinjiang/225704.html

Bay Yaqaériq Hujumchilirini Basturghan Alahide Saqchi Bashliqi Bay Kömürkan Hujumchilirining Oqida Ölgen

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Bay yaqaériq hujumchilirini basturghan we kömürkan hujumchilirining oqida ölgen alahide saqchi etriti bashliqi shyaw kéyün

Photo: RFA

Xitayning 2015 – Yilliq qehrimanlar tizimlikidiki bir tonushturush18 – Séntebir bay weqesining yene bir tepsilatini resmiy halda ashkarilidi. Xitay hazirgha qeder bay weqeside ölgen 9 neper saqchidin saqchi bashliqi memetniyaz toxtiniyazning ölüm jeryanini ashkarilighan bolsimu, qalghanliri heqqide resmiy melumat bermigen. Mezkur tizimliktin ashkarilinishiche, bayda ötken yili 17 – Féwral küni yüz bergen yaqaériq weqesini bir terep qilishqa qomandanliq qilghan we xizmet körsetken bay nahiyilik alahide saqchi etritining muawin bashliqi shyaw kéyün 18 – Séntebir küni bay kömürkan hujumchilirining oqida ölgen.

Xitay bay kömürkan hujumchilirini bir terep qilish dawamida peqet memetniyaz toxtiniyaz qatarliq 6 neper saqchining ölgenlikini resmiy yosunda élan qilghan, emma alahide saqchi etriti bashliqi shyaw kéyün qatarliq yene 3 neper saqchiningmu bu weqede ölgenliki xitay xewerliride tilgha élinmighan؛ bular peqet melum bir xatirilesh murasimi heqqide jemiyetke tarqalghan bir ündidar uchuri arqiliq jemiyetke ashkarilanghan.

Xitayning bu qétimqi «inqilabiy qurbanlar tizimliki» de ene shu alahide saqchi etriti bashliqi shyaw kéyün heqqide nisbeten tepsiliy melumat bérilgen. Tizimlikte bayan qilinishiche, atalmish qehriman shyaw kéyün2005 – Yili xitay alahide qoralliq qismining qarimay etritige qobul qilinghan, 2012 – Yili xizmetke chiqqan, bultur 17 – Féwral küni bay nahiyiside yüz bergen yaqaériq weqesini bésiqturushta alahide saqchi ottura etritige qomandanliq qilghan. U shu qétimqi qomandanliqida«sepning aldida turush, gumandarlarni keskin we qattiq bir terep qilish jehette xizmet körsetken.»

Eyni chaghda igiligen uchurlirimizdin melum bolushiche, yaqaériq weqesi saqchilarning öy tekshürüshi we bésip kirgen bir öyde öy ichide topliship olturghanlargha zorawanliq qilishi sewebidin kélip chiqqan.

Weqege chétishliq gumandarlardin turghun bilal, abliz abla, azadem nur qatarliqlarning bu qarshiliq herikitide ikki tereptin we yolda ötken – Kechken weqege munasiwetsiz kishilerdin bolup jemiy 17 kishi ölgenliki aydinglashqan.

Xitayning bu qétimqi«qehrimanlar» tizimlikide bayan qilinishiche, bay nahiyilik alahide saqchi etritining muawin bashliqliq wezipisini ötewatqan shyaw kéyün yaqa ériq weqesining gumandarlirini axturush we tutush opératsiyeside 3 kéche, 4 kündüz wezipe ijra qilghan, bu jeryanda 30 nechche gumandarning, jümlidin ikki gholluq gumandarning tutulushida xizmet körsetken. Tizimlikte shyaw kéyünnning yaqaériq gumandarlirini oqqa tutquchilar arisida bar – Yoqluqi tilgha élinmighan bolsimu emma, uning bu basturushta aktip rol alghanliqi we xizmet körsetkenliki medhiyilengen.

Qehrimanlar tizimlikide bayan qilinishiche, shyaw kéyün bay kömürkan hujumchilirini qoghlap zerbe bérish opiratsiyesidimu rol alghan. U 18 – Séntebir küni dawam qilghan hujumchilarni «tagh ichide qorshap yoqitish» opératsiyeside yene bir nöwet töhpe yaritish üchün sepning aldigha ötken. Yézilghanlardin melum bolushiche, u bu qétim, yaqaériq weqesidikidek quruq qol yaki pichaqliq gumandarlar bilen emes, belki qolida «aptomatik qoralimu bar» bolghan gumandarlar bilen qarshilashqan.

Tizimlikte yézilishiche, shyaw kéyün gumandarlar teripidin étip öltürülgen. Emma gumandarlarning qolidiki aptomatik qoralning tipi (chong – Kichikliki) heqqide melumat bérilmigen. Bay weqesi heqqidiki ilgiriki éniqlashlirimizda kömürkan hujumchilirining gholluq yétekchiliridin musa toxtiniyaz we memet eysalarning tejribilik owchi ikenliki, kömürkanda hujumni axirlashturghandin kéyin tagh ichige yürüsh qiliwatqan chéghida yénida oqya barliqi guwahchilar teripidin tilgha élinghan.

Yerlik ahaliler yene, ularning térekbazar saqchixanisining bashliqi wu féng qatarliq 3 saqchini öltürgendin kéyin, ularning qoralini olja alghan bolushi mumkinliki perizini otturigha qoyghan bolsimu, bay hujumchilirining qolida aptomatik qoralning bar – Yoqluqi éniq halda aydinglashmighan idi.(Shöhret hoshur )

Ilham Toxti Guruppisi Wekilliri Yawropa Parlaméntida Ziyarette Boldi

Ixtiyariy Muxbirimiz Ekrem
2016-04-18
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«Ilham toxti guruppisi» gha eza kishilik hoquq paaliyetchiliridin (ongdin solgha) enwerjan ependi, mari holizman xanim we martén shultér ependiler yawropa parlaméntida ziyarette boldi. 2016-Yili 18-Aprél, biryussél.

RFA/Ekrem

Gérmaniyedin enwerjan, firansiyedin mari holizman we bélgiyildin martén shultér qatarliq «ilham toxti guruppisi» ezaliri bügün yawropa parlaméntida ilham toxti mesilisi toghruluq söhbet ötküzdi.

Bügün 18-Aprél yawropa sherqiy türkistan birliki teshkilati reisi enwerjan ependining bélgiye paytexti biryusséldin bergen melumatigha asaslanghanda, «ilham toxti guruppisi»gha eza kishilik hoquq paaliyetchiliridin uyghurlargha wakaliten enwerjan, firansiyelik xitayshunas we kishilik hoquq paaliyetchisi mari holizman xanim we bélgiyelik kishilik hoquq paaliyetchisi martén shultér ependiler yawropa parlaméntida ziyarette bolup, ilham toxtini «saxarow mukapati» gha nail qilish we yawropa parlaméntida yéqinda chaqirilidighan ilham toxtigha ait ilmiy muhakime yighinini orunlashturush ishliri toghrisida ikki neper millet wekili bilen söhbet élip barghan.

Enwerjan ependi bügünki bu ziyarette italiye we bolghaariyening yawropa parlaméntidiki ikki neper millet wekilliri bilen söhbet ötküzgenlikini, söhbetlirining netijilik bolghanliqini ilgiri sürdi. U sözide, aldi bilen italiyelik millet wekili bilen élip barghan söhbet mezmunini diqqitimizge sundi.

«Ilham toxti guruppisi» ezaliri yene bulghariyelik millet wekili bilenmu uzun söhbetliship, aldimizdiki künlerde chaqirilmaqchi bolghan yighinni muzakire qilghan.

Firansiyelik kishilik hoquq paaliyetchisi we xitayshunas mari holizman xanimmu bu heqte ziyaritimizni qobul qilip, bu qétimqi uchrishishning ehmiyiti toghrisidiki qarashlirini bayan qildi. U sözide shularni tilgha aldi: «biz bügün yawropa parlaméntidiki öz guruppimizning ikki neper qollighuchisi bilen söhbet ötküzüp, ularning himayisige érishtuq. Bizning ilham toxti guruppimizning asasiy meqsiti؛ ilham toxtini yawropa parlaméntida tonutush we uning saxarow mukapatigha nail bolushini qolgha keltürüsh hemde yéqinda chaqirmaqchi bolghan ilmiy muhakime yighinigha yawropa parlaménti millet wekillirining hésdashliqini qozghashtur. Hemmidinmu muhimi, saxarow mukapati. Melum bolghinidek, saxarow mukapatining menisi-Pikir erkinlikidur. Ilham toxtigha oxshash erkinlik üchün küresh qilghan kishilerge bérilidighan siyasiy qimmiti yuqiri mukapattur. Ilham toxti xitaydiki mezgilliride uyghurlarning erkinliki üchün sözlidi, uyghurlarning kishilik heq-Hoquqliri üchün yazdi. U uyghurlargha erkinlik tiligenliki, kishilik qedir-Qimmet telep qilghanliqi üchün xitay hakimiyiti teripidin muddetsiz qamaq jazasigha mehkum boldi. Elwettiki, biz ilham toxtini bu mukapatqa eng layiq namzat, dep qaraymiz we buning üchün ‹ilham toxti guruppisi› ni qurup, xelqara kishilik hoquq teshkilatliri bilen birge uning üchün ejir serp qiliwatimiz».

Mari holizman xanim saxarow mukapatigha ilgiri xitay kishilik hoquq paaliyetchiliridin wéy jingshing we xu jiyaning érishkenliki misal élip shundaq dédi: «wéy jingshing bu mukapatqa érishken 1995-Yili, u téxi xitayda türmide idi. Saxarow mukapatigha érishkendin kéyin, xitay hökümiti uni qoyup bérish mejburiyitide qaldi hemde washingtongha yolgha sélip qoydi. Méning qiyasimda, eger ilham toxti bu mukapatqa érishse, uning erkinlikke chiqish éhtimali zoriyidu, belkim xitay hökümiti uni qoyup bérip, chetelge yolgha sélip qoyushi mumkin. Saxarow mukapatigha érishken yene bir shexs __ xu jya bolsa 3yérim yilliq késilgen idi. Gerche xitay hökümiti uni qoyup bergen bolsimu, uning erkinlikini toluq eslige keltürmidi. Xu jyaning sözlesh, yézish erkinliki dawamliq cheklimige uchrimaqta. Ilham toxtining weziyiti belkim uning weziyitige oxshap qélishimu mumkin. Buninggha aldin bir nerse dégili bolmaydu. Herhalda yuqirida tilgha alghan ikki xil éhtimalliqning biri yaki uning arisida bir hal shekillinishi mumkin. Qandaqla bolmisun, bu mukapat ilham toxti üchün xeyrlik bolidu.»

Yawropa sherqiy türkistan birliki teshkilati reisi enwerjan ependi, bügünki bu uchrishishtin memnun bolghanliqini, bezi millet wekillirining özlirini himaye qilish toghruluq söz bergenlikini tekitlep ötti. Mari holizman xanim bolsa, ilham toxtini saxarow mukamatigha érishtürüsh xizmitining dawamlishidighanliqini ilgiri sürüp, eger ilham toxti bu saxarow mukapatigha érishken teqdirde, buning xitaygha jiddiy bir signal béridighanliqini tekitlidi. U mundaq dédi: «ilham toxtining saxarow mukapatigha érishishining uyghur milliy herikitige körsitidighan tesiri toghruluq bir nerse déyelmeymen. Emma héch bolmighanda, xitay hökümiti démokratik ellerning, bolupmu gherb dunyasining ilham toxtigha bérilgen jazagha neqeder qattiq narazi bolghanliqini yene bir qétim hés qilidu.

Enwerjan ependining bildürüshiche, «ilham toxti guruppisi» yéqinda yawropadiki bir qisim kishilik hoquq teshkilatlirida paaliyet qiliwatqan siyasiy aktiplar, muxbirlar we insan heqliri teshebbuschiliri teripidin teshkillengen bolup, bu guruppa «ilham toxtigha erkinlik!» shoari astida paaliyetlirini dawamlashturidiken.

COUNTERTERRORISM OR REPRESSION? CHINA TAKES ON UIGHUR MILITANTS

COUNTERTERRORISM OR REPRESSION? CHINA TAKES ON UIGHUR MILITANTS

APRIL 19, 2016
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A 10,000-person manhunt for several dozen Uighurs-turned-terrorists led Chinese officials to a cliff-side cave in western Xinjiang province last fall. Flash grenades, tear gas, and flamethrowers were used to try to force the suspects out alive. Last month, in neighboring Indonesia, Chinese Uighur militants appeared on most-wanted lists for affiliations with the Eastern Indonesia Mujahidin terrorist group in Central Sulawesi. Officials in Beijing have been quick to link both seemingly disparate headlines of terrorist activity to “foreign-led” extremist groups like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State (ISIL). But the reality of such linkages is far more opaque. Despite the extent of known unknowns — ranging from the number of Chinese foreign fighters, to how and whether Uighurs are receiving training and support, to the possibility of future Uighur attacks on Chinese soil — Beijing has unleashed an aggressive counterterrorism strategy to check the growing threat of terrorism.

China’s terrorist problem

Understanding the specifics of China’s terrorist problem is no easy task given the uncertain extent of linkages between ethnic Uighur militants and terrorist groups including al-Qaeda and ISIL. For decades, the Uighurs — an ethnically Turkic people that once founded the first Turkic state and today comprise roughly six million of China’s 20 million-strong Muslims — have challenged Beijing through a low-level separatist insurgency attributed by the Chinese government to the catch-all organization of the East Turkistan Independence Movement (ETIM). In 2006, anti-Chinese Uighur militants formed the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP), which largely consists of members fromAfghanistan and Pakistan and operates alongside Jabhat al-Nusra as an affiliate of al-Qaeda. TIP, as a presumedsplinter group of ETIM seeks to form both an independent state of East Turkistan stretching across central Asia and a caliphate.



Before September 11, anti-Chinese Uighur attacks were gaining momentum. Chinese officials point to kidnappings and attacks on Chinese businessmen, as well as the assassination of a senior diplomat. However, the specific links between these Uighur-led acts — and the support networks of external terrorist cells were unclear. A report published by the Chinese mission to the United Nations in November 2001 marked the first official step in retrospectively tying Uighur militancy under the auspices of ETIM to al-Qaeda. At China’s urging, Washington placed ETIM on a list of known terrorist organizations. Uighur actions were explicitly tied to terrorism, falling within the U.S.-led global war on terror narrative that emerged in the immediate aftermath of the September 11 tragedies.

Today, more than a decade after 9/11, what was once a separatist insurgency seems to have been given new life through the rise of ISIL. Beginning in 2015, the Islamic State began to look seriously to the Uighurs, allocating an increased role for Chinese fighters and promoting the Uighur plight. Jacob Zenn of the Jamestown Foundation said such a shift was due to the surge of Uighurs fighting in TIP and al-Nusra, a surge ISIL leaders presumably saw as potential to emulate in their own ranks of foreign fighters. The Islamic State is now locked in a competition with TIP to recruit Uighurs from the southeast Asian trafficking network, and has thus stepped up its Mandarin-language recruitment efforts. More recruits may weaken TIP, but also give greater traction to ISIL-led missions both within China and abroad — a worst-case scenario for which Beijing is currently trying to prepare.

Amid these developments, there is a lot that remains unknown about the scope of the Uighur terrorist threat. TIP’s presence within China is obscure: Not all Uighurs are rallying around the TIP manifesto, nor should it be assumed all extremist actors are acting on behalf of TIP. The organization has arguably been more involved in “cheerleading” than behaving as a mastermind. Ironically, despite the unknowns on Chinese soil, TIP ties to the conflict in Syria are beingincreasinglydocumented. The numbers of Uighurs that have fled China to train and fight under the auspices of ISIL are particularly unclear — estimates range from one hundred to several thousand. And, somewhat unusually, while TIP has been linked to a handful of major domestic attacks between 2008 and 2014, neither al-Qaeda nor ISIL as purported parent organizations have stepped up with similar endorsements, a legitimizing step readily taken in the wake of otherstrikes elsewhere in the world. There are also concerns from the exiled Uighur and human rights communities that Beijing is misrepresenting a separatist threat as a terrorist one. As a result, such arguments suggest, the bulk of the Uighur Muslim population is unfairly subjected to despotic treatment by Beijing in the name of counterterrorism (CT).

Despite these unknowns, what we do know is that Beijing perceives serious threats to its national interests stemming from the extremist Uighur community. Of gravest concern to the ruling Communist Party are any Uighur actions, at home or abroad, that would undermine the stability, territorial integrity, or national security central to sustaining China as a one-party state. Of equal concern are China’s economic interests in areas currently endangered by ISIL. In Iraq, for instance, where President Xi committed to energy cooperation and infrastructure investment in the name of the “one belt, one road” transcontinental trade network, 10,000 Chinese citizens involved in local development have been evacuated and construction since slowed. By contrast, the most vital interests at play in Syria are comparatively minimal trade ties and oil industry partnerships. Yet instead of a singular focus upon energy streams, Beijing is instead preoccupied with the potential for militant Islamists supportive of the Uighur plight to gain control when or if the Assad regime crumbles.



Beijing sees the advent of the Islamic State and the growth of Islamic extremism abroad as a dangerous opportunity for growth in the Uighur separatist insurgency, both domestically and along China’s periphery. Commentarypoints to the map issued by ISIL in late 2014 of its “master plan” to spread from its base in the Middle East as far east as Xinjiang. Already, Pakistan, Indonesia, and Turkey have confronted the reality of Uighurs on their soil, training for or conducting attacks — both in tandem with local extremist organizations and as independent actors. Other Uighurs have undergone training in the Middle East, returning to China as jihadists but with an indeterminate future given the scope and tenacity of China’s counterterrorism response.

Counterterrorism with Chinese characteristics

The rise of Uighur militancy in the era of the Islamic State has pushed China to develop a counterterrorism strategy, one that officials argue is “distinctly Chinese” in nature. Given the rise of the Uighur problem, and the likely empathy some Uighurs may find with the cause of the Islamic State, what has emerged from Beijing over the last few years is a strategy that tackles both domestic separatism as well as the potential for homegrown ISIL-style terrorism. China has enacted laws to increase the powers available to the central government in dealing with perceived terrorist threats, a step officials maintain is necessary for preventing and punishing terrorist activities as well as for safeguarding security and protecting the lives and property of all Chinese citizens. Beijing’s strategy can be condensed into three prominent — but inherently conflicting — themes: domestic crackdown, repatriation from abroad, and non-interference.

Beijing began a heavy-handed response to the growth of terrorist threats in 2014 with a nationwide crackdown, transnational cooperation with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and hefty boosts to the budgets and numbers of police, military, and paramilitary forces in Xinjiang. Countless laws were enacted to delineate the acceptable practice of Islam, ranging from bans on fasting during Ramadan to those on publicly wearing a veil or other Islamic clothing. Thus, this first element in Beijing’s counterterrorism strategy, a domestic crackdown, appears to serve a dual purpose. On one hand, Beijing is able to stymie the growth of a religion thought to undermine the Party’s monopoly on power; on the other hand, the stern response to terrorist threats gives returned jihadists little breathing room in which to acquire a local following and develop homegrown terrorist cells.

The second element of Beijing’s counterterrorism strategy — repatriation from abroad — is a reaction to Uighur militants fleeing China via southeast Asia en route to Iraq or Syria. In mid-2015, despite staunch opposition from the United States, Thailand repatriated 109 Uighurs that Beijing claimed were en route to Turkey, Iraq, and Syria to “join jihad,” their fates unknown as they disappeared into the Chinese prison system. What the case of Thailand, as well as a similar trajectory of events in Cambodia and Pakistan, and increased pressure on Afghanistan, reveal is a Chinese ability to coerce its neighbors despite a lack of evidence linking Uighurs abroad as en route to train with terrorist groups. The Uighurs that have ended up in Thailand, Cambodia, or elsewhere in southeast Asia are more likely to havefled religious oppression than to have pursued the desire to fight alongside ISIL forces.

Lastly, China’s ability to effectively develop and engage in counterterrorism efforts will be constrained by its tradition of non-interference. Non-interference, a cornerstone of Chinese policy since the 1950s, does not mean inaction. What it does mean, however, is that China views the global instability perpetuated through the rise of ISIL as a result of American “tyrannical foreign policy,” and something for which Beijing feels it should neither be responsible nor expected to assist in handling. As we have already seen, Beijing will likely continue to avoid interference in the affairs of other states even under the auspices of counterterrorism, so long as Chinese domestic stability, territorial integrity, and the Party’s continued legitimacy are not endangered.

Managing China’s terrorist threat

To codify Chinese counterterrorism efforts and campaign against Uighur extremism and the influence of both al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, Beijing recently enacted its first counterterrorism law (available in publicly-sourced translation here). The law, which explicitly aims to respect religious beliefs and ethnic customs, allocates sweeping powers to the government to combat perceived terrorist threats. But what makes the law particularly unique is its implications for Chinese counterterrorism strategy. Significantly, the law marks the first time the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and/or People’s Armed Police (PAP) have been granted permission to assign troops to leave the country on CT missions. As a clear refute of the Chinese tradition of non-interference, and given that Chinese security forces are already going out into the world for peacekeeping or forward operating bases, this legislation underpins a broader push of the Xi era for a more global PLA/PAP fighting force. So far, however, China has kept its CT operations within its borders with the exception of calls for neighbors and allies to repatriate suspected extremists.

China has responded to the threats within and along its borders, developing a counterterrorism strategy that encompasses policy initiatives, legal frameworks, and CT operations. But the existence of a CT framework cannot be construed as an effective strategy for tackling the underlying sources of Uighur militancy, let alone the largely unrelated threat of separatism. Even the recent surge in terror convictions should be taken with a grain of salt.Convicting 1,419 people in 2015 for “harming state security” is testament to the Chinese legal process that yes, may well entail trying those involved in terrorist plots, but just as easily could include less violent endeavors seen to subvert the Party or Chinese state.

The number of Uighur militant-led attacks has undoubtedly increased, as has the threat to China’s human security. But the reality is that more is unknown than known in terms of the extent of ISIL’s threat to China. Despite the expansion of the Islamic State elsewhere, it is not yet apparent whether it has taken strong hold within China. Perhaps this can be attributed in part to the far-reaching counterterrorism strategy China has in place — a strategy that may risk conflating all Uighurs as terrorist militants, but one that has been severe enough to check the capacity of what few jihadists may return to Xinjiang with an intention to form homegrown terrorist cells. That said, Beijing is treading a tenuous line between expanded counterterrorism and de-radicalization efforts, and repression of an ethnic minority searching for greater autonomy and religious freedom. From al-Qaeda to the Islamic State, a few disenfranchised Uighurs have indeed found cause to wage jihad, but their numbers in both Syria and Iraq are likely to be quite limited. Perhaps more likely, the increase in Uighur extremism may be due to Beijing’s repressive tacticstoward the ethnic group, rather than the direct influence of TIP, al-Qaeda, or ISIL.

Opportunities and challenges for CT cooperation

The story of the Uighur terrorist threat, and its influence in an era of the Islamic State, is at best complex. Despite apledge to “oppose coupling terrorism with any specific ethnic group or religion,” the post-9/11 influence of first al-Qaeda and now the Islamic State has given Beijing incentive to do exactly the opposite. Uighur extremists that embrace the TIP-led cause are seen as a direct threat to China’s stability and human security. To a certain extent, Chinese interests vis-à-vis the Uighur militants do not differ significantly from the United States or NATO member countries facing terrorism — all seek to check latent threats to their societies. There is undoubtedly room for China to eye cooperation with NATO partners for non-combatant evacuation operations; equal potential exists for joint CT training operations and intelligence sharing with southeast Asian partners where Uighurs have recently popped on grid. But, ultimately Beijing will remain constrained by its principle of non-interference, patiently awaiting the U.S.-led strikes to combat the spread of extremism to Chinese borders while it wages its own domestic counterterrorism fight on the home front.

Lauren Dickey is a PhD candidate in War Studies at King’s College London and the National University of Singapore, where she focuses on relations between mainland China and Taiwan. She is also a member of the Pacific Forum Young Leaders program at CSIS.

Image: Chinese security forces in Xinjiang Province, China (credit: DaiLuo)

Counterterrorism or Repression? China Takes on Uighur Militants

Küçük Uygur Çocuk, katil Çin zabıtalarını Perişan Etti

Küçük Uygur Çocuk, katil Çin zabıtalarını Perişan Etti

Ailesinin sokak tezgahını kaldırmaya gelen zabıtalara direnen küçük Uygur çocuk, sosyal medyada fenomen oldu.

15 Nisan 2016, 17:16

Çin’ işgali Doğu Türkistan’da çekilen görüntülerde, küçük Uygur balası ailesinin sokak tezgahını kaldırmaya gelen zabıtalara korkusuzca direndi.  Uygur çocuk eline aldığı boyundan büyük metal boru ile zabıtaların üzerine yürüdü. Üzerinde beyaz tişörtü ve mavi şortuyla elindeki metal boruyu sallayarak ailesinin tezgahını kaldırtmamak için mücadele verdi.

SOSYAL MEDYA HAYRAN KALDI

Etrafta toplananların ilgisini üzerine çeken çocuğu insanlar cep telefonlarıyla kameraya kaydetti. Zabıtalardan biri daha sonra küçük çocuğu koltuğa oturtmaya çalışsa da bir türlü sakinleşmeyen küçük afacan o zabıtaya da atarlandı.

Küçük  Uygur çocuğunun videosu sosyal medyada kısa sürede hızla yayıldı. Birçok yorumcu küçük afacanın ailesinin ekmek teknesine sahip çıkışına hayran kaldı. Yorumculardan biri; “O şimdi babasına artık evin erkeği benim diyecek” yorumunda bulunurken, bir diğer yorumcu da; “Küçük bozulmamış ruhuyla koşulsuz şekilde zorbalığın karşısında dikildi. Bayıldım.” satırlarını paylaştı.

Ayrıntılar için :

Warrior Toddler Wields Metal Pipe To Defend Grandma From Authorities

Warrior Toddler Wields Metal Pipe To Defend Grandma From Authorities

It’s not the size of the boy in the fight…

04/15/2016 07:41 am ET
  • Lee MoranTrends Editor, The Huffington Post

Need to talk to this toddler’s grandmother? 

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/metal-pipe-toddler-china_us_5710bcafe4b06f35cb6f3b5b

Then you’ll have to get past him, and his large metal bar, first.

Video posted online (above) that has gone viral shows the warrior infant defending his elderly relative from urban management officers in China.

The youngster, believed to be just 3 years old, then throws the pipe to the ground and stares menacingly at officials, before being escorted away.

The clip, punctuated with the laughter of bystanders, ends. It’s unclear exactly when and where in China the footage was filmed. 

EJI Insight reports that the unidentified toddler’s extreme reaction was provoked by city employees, who were trying to remove his grandma’s street stall.

It’s not been reported what happened to his grandmother’s business, or the little boy himself.

The Chinese outlet People’s Daily posted the video to YouTube and Facebook on Thursday.

H/T Mashable

“Don’t touch my grandma! Go away, don’t touch my grandma!” he screams out, while wielding the makeshift weapon.

http://giphy.com/gifs/eaoc0W2cB8WRO?utm_source=iframe&utm_medium=embed&utm_campaign=tag_click

Also on HuffPost

Abduweli Abdukérimning Yürek Késilining Qozghilishigha Saqchixana Bashliqi Memet Sidiqning Ölümi Seweb Bolghanliqi Melum Bolmaqta

abduweli-abdukerim.jpg

Atalmish inqilabiy qurban Abduweli Abdukérim

Photo: RFA

Xitay j x ministirliqining 2015 – Yilliq inqilabiy qurbanlar xatire tizimlikide toqquzaqliq qanun doxturi abduweli abdukérimning zemin saqchixanisida jeset tekshürüwétip yürek késili qozghilip ölgenliki bayan qilinghan. Muxbirimizning bu heqtiki éniqlashliri dawamida zemin yéziliq saqchixanidiki bir xadim qanun doxturi abduweli abdukérim shu küni tekshürgen jesetning mezkur yézida yüz bergen bir weqege chétishliq ikenlikini pash qildi. Yézidiki bir kent sékrétari bolsa zemin yézisida ötken yili saqchixana bashliqi memet sidiqning wehimilik halda öltürülgenlikini we uning jesitini qanun doxturi abduweli abdukérimning tekshürgenlikini ashkarilidi.

Hörmetlik radio anglighuchilar, mana bu uchurlardin «inqilabiy qurban» qanun doxturi abduweli abdukérimning yürek késilini qozghatqan zemin saqchixana bashliqi memet sidiqning ölümi ikenliki, emma uning öltürülüshi nisbeten qorqunchluq bolghachqa, xitay terepning bu weqeni ta hazirghiche ashkarilimighanliqi melum bolmaqta.

Yuqiridiki ulinishtin muxbirimiz shöhret hoshurning bu heqtiki melumatlirini anglaysiler.

Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyining parizhda chaqirilidighan 5 – nöwetlik wekiller qurultiyi heqqidiki axbarati

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5 – nöwetlik Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyi teyyarliq komitéti
2016-yili 4 -ayning 8-küni

essalamu’eleykum Sherqiy Türkistanliq eziz qérindashlar,

weten ichi we sirtidiki pütün xelqimiz teqezzaliq bilen kütüwatqan, mustebit Xitay hakimiyiti pütün ichki – tashqi küchlirini seperwer qilip tosushqa we buzghunchiliq qilishqa urunuwatqan Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyining 5 – nöwetlik wekiller qurultiyi, 2016 – yili 7 – ayning 11 – künidin 13 – künigiche Yawropaning eng asasliq siyasiy merkezlirining biri hésablan’ghan firansiyening paytexti parizhda chaqirilidu.

weten ichidiki xelqimiz hayat – mamatliq xewpige duch kéliwatqan, mustebit Xitay hakimiyitining dölet térrori tüpeylidin muqeddes wetinimizning pütün tupraqliri bigunah eziz xelqimizning issiq qéni bilen boyalghan, muqeddes Uyghur dawasi xelq’ara jama’etchilikning küchlük diqqet – étibarini qozghawatqan bügünkidek halqiliq peytte chaqirilidighan bu qétimqi 5 – nöwetlik qurultiyimizgha, pütün dunyadiki 30 din artuq dölettin 120 din artuq resmiy wekil qatnishidu.

tarixiy ehmiyetke ige bu qétimqi qurultiyimizgha yene, 1933 yili we 1944 – yilliri qurulghan musteqil ikki Sherqiy Türkistan jumhuriyitining asasliq rehberlirining hazir hayatta bolghan perzentliri alahide wekil süpitide teklip qilinidu we bu tarixiy qehrimanlirimiz we rehberlirimizning ejdadlirigha milliy rehbirimiz rabiye xanim bashchiliqidiki Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyi teripidin pütün Uyghur xelqige wakaliten » istiqlal sherep médali » teqdim qilinidu !

yene shundaqla bu qétimqi qurultiyimiz jeryanida, eziz wetinimiz Sherqiy Türkistan mustebit kommunist Xitay hakimiyitining ishghaligha uchrighan 1949 – yilidin buyan weten sirtida élip bériliwatqan milliy kürishimiz jeryanida weten dawasi üchün alahide pidakarliq körsetken, töhpe qoshqan we belgilik netije yaratqan milliy inqilabchilirimizgha we gholluq siyasiy pa’aliyetchilirimizge pütün Uyghur xelqi namidin sherepname teqdim qilinidu !

bu qétimqi tarixiy ehmiyetke ige qurultaygha, rabiye xanim bashchiliqidiki 4 – nöwetlik Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyi rehberlik hey’itining pütün mes’ul xadimliri, qurultay teripidin békitilgen resmiy wekiller, dunyaning herqaysi jaylirida pa’aliyet élip bériwatqan Uyghur teshkilatlirining asasliq mes’ulliri, chet’eldiki Uyghurlar ichide tonulghan jama’et erbabliri, aqsaqallar,alim we mutexessisler, diniy zatlar, firansiye parlaméntining wekilliri, parizh shehirining mes’ulliri, shundaqla xelq’araliq türlük kishilik hoquq teshkilatlirining asasliq mes’ulliri, chet’ellik siyasiy közetküchiler, Uyghur mesilisini tetqiq qiliwatqan chet’ellik alim we mutexessisler teklip bilen ishtirak qilidu.

bu qurultay xelqimizning siyasiy nishanini ishqa ashurush üchün tedbir izdeydighan, xelqimizning küresh iradisini yene bir qétim ilhamlanduridighan we chet’ellerdiki bizni qollap kéliwatqan herqaysi döletler, siyasiy partiyiler we hökümetsiz teshkilatlargha özimizning kelgüsi nishani heqqide uchur béridighan bir qurultaydur. bu qurultayda Uyghurlarning erkinliktin ibaret siyasiy nishani dunyagha yene bir qétim jakarlinidu.

bu qétimqi qurultay Uyghur milliy herikitide xilmu xil pikir-éqimidiki wekillerning oz pikirlirini erkin otturigha qoyush boyiche démokratik sorun teyyarlaydu we her xil sewebler bilen milliy herikitimiz, jümlidin d’uq sirtida qalghan yash, qabiliyetlik ziyaliy we pa’aliyetchilirimizge keng quchaq achidu.

hemmige melum bolghinidek, milliy rehbirimiz Rabiye Qadir bashchiliqidiki Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyi, weten ichi we sirtidiki barliq Sherqiy Türkistan xelqining xelq’aradiki birdin – bir toluq hoquqluq xelq’araliq orgini bolup, qurultiyimiz Sherqiy Türkistan milliy dawasini élip bérishta, b d t insan heqliri omumi bayannamisining we unung siyasiy, iqtisadi, ijtima’iy, dini we medini heqlirini öz ichige alghan pütün shertnamilirining rohigha toluq hörmet qilip, démokratik prinsiplargha tayan’ghan halda Sherqiy Türkistan xelqining ebedi erkinliki we öz teqdirini özi belgilesh hoquqini qolgha keltürüsh, Sherqiy Türkistan mesilisini xelq’aralashturush, Xitay hakimiyitining Sherqiy Türkistandiki jinayi qilmishlirini dunya jama’etchilikige anglitish, pash qilish we insani heq – hoquqlirini qoghdash yolida jiddiy xizmet qilip kelmekte.

Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyi–milliy birlikimizning, barawerlikimizning we ittipaqliqimizning simwoli we asasi bazisi bolup, birlik we barawerlik – weten ichi we sirtidiki pütün xelqimizning nöwettiki ortaq arzusi we dewrning teqezzasidin ibaret.

bügünki Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyi hergiz tasadipiy otturigha chiqip qalghan emes, belki shanliq tarixqa, muntizim teshkili we ammiwi asasqa, xelq’araliq siyasiy nopusqa ige bolup, qurultiyimiz, 1933 we 1944 – yilliri qurulghan ikki musteqil jumhuriyitimiz teripidin weten samalirida jewlan qildurulghan ay – yultuzluq kök bayriqimizning chet’ellerdiki heqiqiy warischisi, shundaqla chet’ellerde 60 nechche yildin buyan kommunist Xitay hakimiyitige qarshi élip bériliwatqan milliy herikitimizning wekillik orginidin ibaret.

xelqimizning küchlük telipi, dewrning teqezzasi, teshkilatlirimizning we siyasiy pa’aliyetchilirimizning teshebbusi bilen, 2004 – yili aprélda Gérmaniyening myunxén shehiride chaqirilghan birleshme qurultayda, » Sherqiy Türkistan (Uyghuristan) milliy qurultiyi » bilen » dunya Uyghur yashliri qurultiyi » ning birlishishi netijiside, weten ichi we sirtidiki barliq Sherqiy Türkistan xelqining xelq’aradiki birdin – bir toluq hoquqluq aliy rehberlik orgini hésablan’ghan » Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyi » qurup chiqilghan we buning bilen, Xitay hökümiti teripidin, » milliy bölgünchilerning chet’ellerdiki ikki chong lagéri » dep qaralghan ikki qurultay bir merkez we bir lagér astida birliship, dunya siyasiy sehniliride pa’aliyet élip bériwatqan barliq Sherqiy Türkistan teshkilatlirining birlik we barawerlik asasida ortaq heriket élip bérishining mustehkem teshkili asasini turghuzup chiqqan idi.

hemmimizge melum bolghinidek, milliy herikitimizning xelq’aralishish qedimining tézlishiwatqanliqidin sarasimige chüshken Xitay hakimiyiti, xelqimizge qaratqan assimilyatsiye herikitini, zulum we bésimini hessilep ashurup barmaqta. bügün Uyghurlarning milliy mewjutluqi tarixtin buyanqi herqandaq waqittinmu bekrek zor xewpke duch kelmekte. weten ichidiki xelqimizning échinishliq weziyiti hemmimizge besh qoldek ayan. xelqimiz weten sirtida élip bériliwatqan milliy herikitimizdin zor ümid kütmekte, bundaq bir tarixi shara’itta biz öz’ara birlik–ittipaqliqqa, hemkarliqqa herqandaq waqittikidinmu bekrek mohtaj halda turmaqtimiz.

bu qétimqi qurultiyimiz, hemmimiz üchün yéngi bir purset, milliy herikitimizde yéngi bir dewrning bashlinishidin ibaret. shunga barliq teshkilatlirimiz, wetenperwerlirimiz, siyasiy pa’aliyetchilirimiz we barliq qérindashlirimiz weten – milletning tüp menpe’itini hemmidin ela bilip, orunsiz talash – tartish we ixtilaplarni bir chetke qayrip qoyup, ortaq ghayimiz we nishanimiz üchün birlikte heriket qilishimiz, shu arqiliq xelqimizning bizdin kütken ümidlirini yerde qoymasliqqa tirishishimiz lazim!

eziz qérindashlar, parizhda chaqirilidighan 5 – nöwetlik Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyi wekiller qurultiyining muweppeqiyetlik ötküzülüshige kapaletlik qilish üchün, mexsus » 5 – nöwetlik Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyi teyyarliq komitéti » qurup chiqildi, weten ichi we sirtidiki pütün xelqimizning xelq’aradiki toluq hoquqluq wekillik orgini hésablan’ghan Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyi, pütün xelqimizning teklip – pikir we tenqidlirige estayidil qulaq salidu, eziz wetinimiz we millitimizning teqdiri, shundaqla milliy kürishimizning tereqqiyatigha munasiwetlik herqandaq teklip – pikirlirini semimiyet bilen estayidil qobul qilidu, bu heqtiki pütün teklip – pikringlarni 5 – nöwetlik Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyi teyyarliq komitétigha biwasite yaki wasitilik yetküzüp bérishinglarni qizghin qarshi alimiz !

Weltkongress der Uiguren
Adolf-Kolping-Strasse. 9
80336 Munchen Germany
Tel: 0049 89 54321999
Fax: 0049 89: 54349789
Dolqun Eysa, dolkun@gmail.com,
Ömer Qanat, omerkanat2008@gmail.com

hörmet we éhtiram bilen :

5 – nöwetlik Dunya Uyghur Qurultiyi teyyarliq komitéti

http://www.uyghurcongress.org/uy/?p=12634

MERHUM MUZAT : ÇİN ASKERLERİNİN BARIN’DA BELENMİŞ BEBEK OLAN VE ATEŞ EDEREK KALBURA ÇEVİRDİĞİ KANLI BEŞİĞİ BİZZAT GÖRDÜM

MERHUM MUZAT : ÇİN ASKERLERİNİN BARIN’DA BELENMİŞ BEBEK OLAN VE ATEŞ EDEREK KALBURA ÇEVİRDİĞİ KANLI BEŞİĞİ BİZZAT GÖRDÜM

Tohtı Muzart

Hamit Göktürk / Uygur Haber ve Araştırma Merkezi(UYHA)
İşgalcı Çin’in geçtiğimiz yıl 8 yıllık hapis hayatından sonra serbest bıraktığı ve kısa bir süre sonra çok genç yaşında gözetim altında tutulduğu Pekin’de şüpheli bir şekilde vefat eden Doğu Türkistanlı Tarihçi Tohti Muzat İşgalcı Çin’in “Halk Kurtuluş Ordusu”adını taktıkları Üniformalı katillerinin 05 Nisan 1990’de Barın Katliamını bastırırken Uygur Türklerinin evlerini basarak beşikte uyumakta olan bebeklerini dahi katlettiklerini buna kanıt olan kanlı beşik’i bizzat özel olarak bize anlatmıştı.

Barın - 1
Tarihçi Tohti Muzat İle Tanışma ve Görüşmelerimiz
1993 yılının yaz ayları idi.Ben İstanbul’a yeni gelmiş ve Doğu Türkistan Vakfı’nda Müdür olarak çalışmaya başlamıştım. Bir gün Japonya’dan bir faks geldi.Faksı yazan ve gönderen Tarihçi Tohtı Muzat idi.Ben daha önce kendisini duymuştum ve Japonya’da olduğunu biliyordum. Benden birkaç gün  sonra İstanbul’a geleceğini ve kendisini hava limanında karşılayarak bir otele yerleştirmemi rica ediyordu.Bildirdiği tarihte Atatürk Hava alanına gittim vee kendisini karşılayarak Aksaray Haseki’deki o zamanki adı Cevdet Sunay olan Otele yerleştirdim. Barın katliamı daha taze idi.Ben bir kaç gün sonra Barın Ayaklanmasını ve Çin’in yaptığı katliamları gündeme getirdim.Çinlilerin büyük katliamalar yaptığından söz ettim.Benim açıklamalarıma karşılık tam tersi bir beyanda bulundu.Ben bu beyanına şiddetli bir şekilde karşı çıktım.Aramızda bir az gerginlik oldu.Biraz düşündü ve kendisinin Kukla Sözde Özerk bölge Başkanı Timur Davamet ile ile birlikte Katliam’dan birkaç hafta sonra Barın’i ziyaret ettiklerini anlattı. Meğer benim sözlerime ters beyanlarda bulunarak beni sınamak istediğini sonradan anladım. Çünkü,biz bir birimizi ilk kez görüyor ve pek fazla tanışmıyorduk. Onun ters konuşmalarının bir test olduğunu sonradan anladım. Bunları anlattıktan sonra da bu konuşmaların özellikle aramızda bir sır olarak kalmasını  benden rica etmişti.

Kızılsu Aktu Hrt.

Tohti Muzat : Kukla Başkan Davamet mermilerden kalbura dönmüş Beşik’i görünce Ağladı

Tohti Muzat,kendisinin o yıllarda Sözde Özerk Bölge Hükümet Başkanı Timur Davamet’in  özel Sekreteri olduğunu ve kendisi ile birlikte Barın katliamından birkaç hafta sonra bölgeye olan ziyaretini şöyle anlattı. “ Bir gün Timur Daoıvamet birlikte Barın’e gideceğimizi hazırlıklı olmamı tembihledi.Uçak’la önce Kaşgar’a daha sonra kara yolu ile Barın’a hareket ettik.Barın’a kadar olan 40 km.lik yol oldukça kötü idi.Buna karşılık her taraf Çin İşgal Ordusu birlikleri ile kaynıyordu.Her yere çadırlar kurmuştu.Her yerde kontroller vardı.Resmi kişilerden başkalarının Barın’a gitmeleri yasaktı.Çin İşgal Askerleri izin vermiyordu.Barın’a giriş çıkış Çin işgal ordusunun kontrölünde idi. Bozuk yollardan geçerek Barın’a vasıl olduk.Barın’daki Bastırma ve Katliam Operasyonlarına kumuta eden Çinli general bizimle berberdi. Maiyeti ile birlikte yanımızdan hiç ayrılmıyorlardı. Barınlı Mücahitlerin Karargah olarak kullandıkları bir evin önüne geldik.Ev top mermileri ve bambardımandan dolayı harap bir durumda idi. Biraz daha az tahrip edilmiş ve ayakta olan bir evin kapısı açıktı.Timur Davamet içeri giridi.Orta yerde bir beşik duruyordu.Besik sıkılan mermilerden kalbura dönmüştü.Beşikte kan izleri vardı. İşgalcı Çinli Askerlerin bu evii bastıklarında çocuğun beşike belenmiş vaziyette   tek başına  bırakıldığını, askerlerin gürültüsleri üzerine ağlamaya başladığını ağlama sesini duyan Çin askerlerini elindeki silahta bulunan bütün mermeleri beşiğe sıktıklarını bu yüzden beşiğin kalbura döndüğünü anlattılar. Bebeğin annesi götürülmüş belki de katledilmişti.Belki de bebeğini almasına ve yanında görtürmesine izin vermemişlerdi. Kukla Başkan Timur Davamet bu manzara karşısında çok üzüldü ve gözlerinden yaşlar boşalmaya ve ağlamaya başladı.Daha sonra Çinli İşgalcı General’e dönerek “  Yoldaş General, Peki,bu bebeğin ailesi teröristti ve suç işledi.kabul ediyorum.Ama bu Bebeğin ne günahı vardı de katlettiniz ? diye bir haylı çıkıştı. Bunun üzerine Çinli general hiçbir şey söylemeden maiyeti ile birlikte yanımızdan ayrılmak zorunda kaldı.Bu arada ben  de kendimi tutamadım ve göz yaşlarım boşaldı.Ben de  bu manzaradan çok etkilenmiş ve çok de üzülmüştüm. Kendi çocuklarım aklıma gelmişti.” Timur Davamet’in daha sonra kendisi ve maiyetindekilere bu olaydan bahsetmemelerini  sıkı sıkıya tembihlediğini  de anlattı.

Barın-2

OPERASYON KOMUTANINDAN KESİN EMİR : HAREKET EDEN HER ŞEYE ATEŞ EDECEK VE ÖLDÜRECEKSİNİZ.

Merhum Tarihçi Tohti Muzat daha sonra okuduğu bazı özel ve gizli belgelerde Çin operasyon Komutanı’nın Barın Ayaklanmasını bastırırken, askerlerine  kesin emir verdiğini şu şekilde anlattı,”Hareket eden her çanlı’ya hiç düşünmeden ateş edeceksiniz ve öldürmeden asla sağ bırakmayacaksınız. Bu isyancıların hiç bir şekilde hayatta  kalmasına izin vermeyeceksiniz. Bu emre uymayan savaş suçu işlemiş olur.” şeklinde emir vermişti.  Çin işgal Ordusu Çin’den gelen özel Paraşutçu komando birlikleri ile de takviye edilmişti.Bu özel Birlikler sadece öldürmek için eğitim almışlardır.İlk haftalarda bu birlikler bu emri kesinlikle yerine getirmişler. Değil,insanlar,kümesteki tavuklar,ahırdaki inekler,koyun ve keçiler hatta köpek ve kediler dahi öldürülerek yok edilmişti. Barın’da isyan güçlerinin sayısı 500,buna karşılık bastırma operasyonlarına katılan Çin birliklerinin sayısı ise  25 bin kişi  olarak teleffüz ediliyordu. Bu Çin katliamında 9 köyün haritadan tamamen silindiği,kent halkının ilk günlerde katliam yapılarak öldürüldüğü daha sonraları ise tamamen tutuklandığı  ve hapsedildiği anlaşılmıştı. Biz sözde Özerk Bölge Hükümeti’nde yüksek düzeyde memur ve Kukla başkan Timur Davamet ise sözde Hükümet Başkanı idi. Sözde Özerk Bölge başkanı Timur Davamet isyanın ilk günlerinde Barın’e gitimek istedi.Ama , bütün yetkiler Pekin’in atadığı Doğu Türkistan’daki Çin İşgal Orduları başkomutanı ve ÇKP.Bölge Genel Sekreteri Faşist Çinli general Vang En Mav’da idi.İlk günler Davamet’in Barın’e gitme isteği reddedildi. İsyan bastırıldıktan ve katliamlar bittikiten sonra bize Barın’e gitme  izin verdiler ve biz de Çin Operasyon Birliklerinin Komutanı’nın nezaretinde Barın ve köylerini ziyaret edebildik.

Barın Şehitleri

Merhum Tohti Muzat geçen yıl çok genç ve verimli yaşlarında iken,şüpheli bir şekilide vefat etti.Vefatından sonra Barın olayları ile ilgili anlattıklarını yazı’ya dökerek sizlerin  bilgisine sunabiliyoruz.
Diğer anılarımızı de ileride yazıya dökerek siz değerli okuyucularımızla paylaşacağım.
Bu vesile ile aziz dostumuz,Kardeşemiz ve aynı zamanda  çok verimli ve ferasetli bir bilim insanı olan merhum Tohti Mozut’i rahmetle ve minnetle bir kez daha anıyorum.Allah ganie gani rahmet ve mağfiret eylesin. Amin.

NOT : Çinli Operasyon Komutanının bu emri,2000 yılında ABD’ye kaçarak iltica eden ve Barın harekatına  katılan bir Çinli askerin ifadeleri ile doğrulacaktır. Çinli askerin Barın katliamı ile ilgili ifadelerini ileride yazacağız. H.G.

MERHUM MUZAT : ÇİN ASKERLERİNİN BARIN’DA BELENMİŞ BEBEK OLAN VE ATEŞ EDEREK KALBURA ÇEVİRDİĞİ KANLI BEŞİĞİ BİZZAT GÖRDÜM.