China created a new terrorist threat by repressing secessionist fervor in its western frontier

In the early hours of New Year’s Day in 2017, a heavily armed gunman stormed Reina, an exclusive Istanbul nightclub on the Bosphorus coast, murdering 39. ISIS claimed responsibility for the massacre, but the Turkish deputy prime minister swiftly made an incendiary claim: the perpetrators, he said, were “probably” Uyghur—the ethnically Turkic Muslims indigenous to the region of northwest China officially called the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region.

Two Uyghur Chinese nationals, Omar Asım and Abuliezi Abuduhamiti, were arrested on charges of being members of a terrorist cell and acting as accomplices to the attack. (An Uzbek national has since been detained and named as the alleged gunman.) Meanwhile, the World Uyghur Congress claims hundreds of other Uyghurs were arrested, with little explanation, in subsequent raids.

Why ISIS would target Istanbul is simple: The city is the secular-leaning cultural and financial capital of a country the group holds responsible for numerous attacks (paywall) on ISIS targets.

But Uyghurs are moderate Muslims with an extremely close and positive historical relationship with Turkey. Their alleged involvement is harder to parse. Over China’s turbulent 69-year rule of Xinjiang, periods of violent repression—as well as antagonistic policies such as restrictions on worship and religious attire, the ban of traditional Muslim names, and the requirement that all residents turn in their passports—have kept Uyghur secessionist sympathies bubbling along the frontier. Throughout, Turkey has always been the Uyghurs’ most ardent supporter.

Through the 1990s and 2000s, successive Turkish governments continued to welcome Chinese Uyghurs, much to China’s annoyance; some 300,000 who escaped persecution in China now call Turkey home. Pro-Uyghur sentiment has, at times, exploded into violent protest, and government ministers have openly criticized China’s treatment of the group.

 Even Turkey appears to now be under the sway of Asia’s economic powerhouse. Until recently, Turkey’s suspicions that Uyghurs would terrorize Istanbul would make no sense. For years, China has treated Uyghurs like terrorists even though they could have cared less about jihad. But in the past few years, China has wielded its growing regional power to bring its neighbors in line with Beijing’s anti-Uyghur policies. Even Turkey appears to now be under the sway of Asia’s economic powerhouse. Facing repression at home, and with nowhere left to go, some of those Uyghurs have been forced into dangerous new alliances with organizations like ISIS. After decades of crying wolf, China may very well have created the conditions that allowed terrorism to take root in its own soil.

The first encounters

For centuries, despite multiple rebellions by the Uyghurs, control of what is now Xinjiang shifted between the Qing dynasty and rival Chinese warlords.

In the 1940s, the Uyghurs enlisted the help of the Soviet Union to create a separatist state, called the East Turkestan Republic. As close cultural and ethnic cousins of the Uyghurs, the Turkish lent a hand in the administrative and cultural shaping of the republic. It didn’t last; five years later, the USSR’s loyalties switched to Chairman Mao, and the Russians helped The Communist People’s Liberation Army recapture the nascent state. In October 1949, East Turkestan was absorbed into Communist China.

The old streets of Kashgar, China.
The old streets of Kashgar, China. (Lindsey Kennedy)

The mostly rural Uyghur communities were decimated by Mao’s agricultural policies, which triggered a famine and the 1962 exodus of 60,000 Uyghur refugees into the USSR. Cultural identity was all but exterminated as Uyghur-language schools and customs, as well as Islamic religious practices, were outlawed. Resistors were crushed.

 State-orchestrated mass migration brought millions of Han Chinese into Xinjiang in an attempt to dilute the Uyghur population. Ethnic tensions soared from the 1950s to the 1970s, when state-orchestrated mass migration (pdf) brought millions of Han Chinese into Xinjiang in an attempt to dilute the Uyghur population. Beijing continues to encourage Han movement into the region; the typically strict rules limiting internal migration in China are relaxed for this specific ethnic group and destination. Han Chinese now make up 58% of the Xinjiang population, up from just 6% in 1949.

At the same time, Beijing poured money into Xinjiang, transforming the provincial capital, Urumqi, into a modern city and thriving business center, extending a national train network into the region and restoring the exquisite Islamic architecture of the city of Kashgar, the spiritual center of traditional Uyghur culture.

Today, the walls of Kashgar’s winding streets are inscribed with Koranic verses under latticed arches. Uyghur bookshops abound. Women on motorbikes and dressed in the unique local style—long dresses, elaborately arranged headscarves, kohl-lined eyes, high-heeled boots—weave past market traders dishing out spicy chickpeas, lamb kebabs, and freshly cooked bread.

An Ughyur woman on a motorbike in Kashgar, China
Cultures meld in Kashgar (Lindsey Kennedy)

It’s hard to believe you’re in China—and, as far as many Uyghurs are concerned, you aren’t. Despite generations of suppression and “re-education,” people here were never truly assimilated into Chinese identity. If anything, the limited freedoms offered by Beijing intensified, rather than assuaged, secessionist fervor (pdf).

From the late 1980s, as the Soviet Union began to collapse, Uyghurs watched as, one by one, their closest cousins just across the border—Kyrgyz, Kazakhs, Uzbeks, Tajiks—achieved independent states. If the Communist superpower next door could give way, the Uyghurs thought, why not China? Emboldened, Uyghurs renewed calls for Xinjiang to reclaim its independence under the name East Turkestan or Uyghurstan. In 1990, dissent erupted into riots, and Beijing ordered the first of many brutal crackdowns.

For a while, the brand-new neighboring Central Asian states provided an escape route. Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan have sizeable indigenous Uyghur populations, and their languages and cultures are closely related, making these countries a logical destination for Uyghurs seeking a new life outside China.

But in 1996, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, a powerful Sino-Russian initiative to strengthen regional alliances and solve border disputes. Immediately, these states began not only shutting down Uyghur organizations (particularly those calling for greater autonomy for Xinjiang), but also became increasingly amenable both to extraditing Uyghur “terror suspects” on weaker and weaker evidence, and blaming Uyghurs for domestic attacks with little to substantiate these claims. Turkey remained the one country to provide safe harbor for Ughyurs seeking political asylum.

It was during this period that Uyghur separatists first began to encounter Islamic terrorists.

 What began as the ETIM gradually transformed into a pro-jihadist faction fighting alongside Al-Nusra in Syria today. For decades, the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) operated as a barely organized collective of secessionists (who had been falsely portrayed as a major Islamist terror threat by the Chinese), says Sean Roberts, a professor at George Washington University and author of a forthcoming book on the impact of Chinese oppression and the US War on Terror on the emergence of Uyghur terrorism. Facing mounting repression and dwindling options in the 1990s, some ETIM members fled to Pakistan and Afghanistan where they agreed to train with Al-Qaeda—whose ideology they knew little about—in the hope of gaining the skills “to someday fight a war of liberation” in Xinjiang. What began as the ETIM gradually transformed into a pro-jihadist faction fighting alongside Al-Nusra (formerly the Syrian faction of Al-Qaeda) in Syria today.

That said, as late as 2002, ETIM founder Hasan Mahsum insisted that the group was not anti-American and only sought independence from China. Following his death the next year, the ETIM went silent, and appears to have splintered. In 2008, one of those splinters resurfaced, calling itself the Turkestan Islamic Party (TIP), and specifically recruiting Uyghurs to fight for global jihad. Al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri even released a video praising TIP fighters for their commitment to the cause and calling for Uyghurs to “strengthen the fire of jihad” against the “atheist Chinese invaders”—re-framing a secessionist struggle as jihadist.

Uyghurs without passports

Meanwhile, back home in Xinjiang, life did not improve for Chinese Uyghurs.

Many complained that the Han Chinese who kept flooding into the cities of Xinjiang showed little respect for their beliefs and customs, while excluding them from well-paying jobs. At the same time, China launched its “Strike Hard” campaign, suppressing more fiercely than ever Uyghurs’ freedom of speech, religion, and movement.

In 1997, a demonstration turned into a riot in Ghulja, an oasis town in Xinjiang, and police opened fire on the crowd. In the ensuing crackdown, thousands were arrested and hundreds executed. Around one in every 10 men from the area disappeared without trace or official explanation, says Joanne Smith Finley, a professor of Chinese studies at Newcastle University, who has conducted extensive research in the area.

Chinese law still restricts everything from children attending mosque to men growing beards. Brutal stories proliferate of detention, torture, and women forced to endure late-term abortions to comply with China’s (now-lifted) one-child policyfrom which Uyghurs were supposed to be exempt.

At the night market in Kashgar, China.
At the night market in Kashgar, China. (Lindsey Kennedy)

According to Nicole Morgret of the Washington, DC-based Uyghur Human Rights Project, Uyghurs routinely have passports seized and kept for “safekeeping,” especially when travelling—much like their Tibetan neighbors. Chen Quanguo, who took over as party secretary of Xinjiang in August 2016, formerly controlled Tibet, and is already deploying similarly intense security and surveillance tactics to contain and isolate Uyghurs, Morgret says.

Movement beyond Urumqi is monitored and restricted; airport-style security and Chinese-only self-service machines at the hectic train station mean Uyghurs often wait an entire afternoon to buy a ticket from the handful of human tellers. Identification is required to enter stations and purchase tickets, trapping those whose passports have been refused or confiscated.

But unlike oft-romanticized Tibetan Buddhists, Muslim Uyghurs rarely attract the same support or sympathy from the West. While both groups share the same grievances—they resent Chinese control and fear the obliteration of their culture, language, and religious freedom—rising paranoia in the US and Europe over Islamic extremism has made it far too easy for Beijing to win support by portraying Uyghur dissidents as an Islamist threat. When the US began to wage its War on Terror, this turned out to be a gift to Chinese domestic policy—and devastating for Uyghurs in China and abroad.

The War on Terror terrorizes

A month after 9/11, 22 Uyghur men who fled across the border into Afghanistan and took refuge in a Taliban village were captured by mercenaries and sold to US forces. The narrative wasn’t new. Faced with domestic travel restrictions and a lack of sympathetic neighbors, impoverished Uyghurs escaping persecution in Xinjiang have often resorted to braving the treacherous mountain pass into Afghanistan. Without any form of documentation, many find the only places that will take them in are Taliban-held tribal areas, or camps used to train terrorist networks like Al-Qaeda and Al-Nusra.

As one captive, Abu Bakker Qassim told Al Jazeera after his release:

All of us who stayed there had great respect for the Afghan people, and the Taliban, because no one else provided refuge to the Uyghur people. You didn’t need a passport or anything else. Even if you were not making any money you still had three meals a day. I’m still grateful to them. No other country has given Uyghur refugees anything like that.

The US eventually admitted its mistake—the Uyghurs posed no threat—but not until all 22 had been held for 12 years in Guantanamo Bay.

 “This business about Uyghurs being Islamic terrorists is total garbage” When the US invaded Afghanistan in 2001, the US sought, and secured, Beijing’s support for its retaliatory strikes—the first time China had collaborated with US military aims since the Cold War. In return—offering no independent evidence beyond China’s unproven claims (paywall)—the US added four Uyghur groups to the US terror watchlist. “This business about Uyghurs being Islamic terrorists is total garbage,” says Pannier. “They are nationalists that just happen to be Muslim. The Chinese put too much weight on the latter part and say they are part of extremist groups.” Chinese state propaganda seized on America’s labeling of Uyghur groups as terrorists to legitimize persecution of Uyghurs of all political stripes—at home, and abroad.

China stepped up demands that Uyghurs be extradited (pdf) from Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Russia, Nepal, and Pakistan. In 2014, Kyrgyz border guards gunned down 11 Uyghurs; China and Kyrgyzstan claimed they were “separatists” based on reports that their bags contained a Quran and some knives. In 2015, two Uyghurs were shot trying to cross into Vietnam, 20 were deported from Cambodia amid international outcry, and Thailand was persuaded to forcibly return 109 Uyghurs attempting to travel through the country from China to Turkey—the only reliable sanctuary remaining to them.

Outside a mosque in Urumqi, China.
Outside a mosque in Urumqi, China. (Lindsey Kennedy)

Ironically, since the mid-2010s, ISIS has set its sights on Uyghur recruits. In recent years, a small number of Uyghurs have undergone military training in ISIS camps. Registration documents leaked by an ISIS defector in 2016 showed that 114 Chinese Uyghurs joined the group between mid-2013 and mid-2014. Many were children; some were as old as 80; and all were poor and uneducated, suggesting that a significant proportion of these are whole families of Uyghurs who believed the group would provide refuge and support. But there’s a real possibility some of ISIS’ Uyghur recruits will pose a future terrorist threat to China.

“In the past it was perhaps overblown, but China’s fears [of organized terrorism] have now been realized,” says Dru Gladney, professor of anthropology at Pomona College and an expert in Muslim Chinese identity politics.

The timing could not be worse.

Xinjiang shares borders with India, Russia, Mongolia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. This makes it the focal point of premier Xi Jinping’s “One Belt, One Road” initiative to connect China to Central Asia and beyond via an elaborate series of roads, tunnels, bridges, and high-speed rail networks. For the project to succeed, China will need to convince investors the region is stable—that the nonexistent terrorist threat Beijing trumpeted for decades has conveniently disappeared.

But now the threat is real, and will likely grow as borders become more porous and tensions escalate in Xinjiang. “It will increase resentment,” says Morgret. “The Chinese think developing Xinjiang and reducing poverty will solve the problem, but it’s creating the problem by bringing in new migrants and pushing away Uyghurs.”

The last door closes

And then there’s Turkey.

Until recently, it would have made little sense for anyone to even claim that an Uyghur would be involved in an attack on the one country that has always welcomed them. But political and economic chaos, the Syrian war on its doorstep, and the receding prospect of being welcomed into the EU have made collaboration with the superpowers of Russia and China vastly more attractive to president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s government than they ever were in the past few decades. Erdoğan has openly admitted that joining the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation rather than the EU would allow him to operate with “greater ease.”

Ethnic Uighur demonstrators, waving Turkish and blue East Turkestan flags, set fire to a Chinese flag during a protest against China near the Chinese Consulate in Istanbul July 21, 2011. China on Wednesday raised the death toll to 18 from a clash at a police station in the restive far western region of Xinjiang, saying that 14 "rioters" died along with two policemen and two hostages in the worst violence there in a year. Government officials previously said at least four people were killed in what they described as a terrorist attack. But the Germany-based exile group World Uyghur Congress said it was an attack on unarmed protesters.
Turkish Uyghurs protesting near the Chinese Consulate in Istanbul in 2011. (Reuters/Murad Sezer)

In July 2015, during negotiations over investment in infrastructure, anti-terrorism strategy, and plans to raise bilateral trade to $100 billion, China made clear to Turkey (paywall) that open criticism of its treatment of Uyghurs—and even continuing to offer asylum to those fleeing the country—would make it “very hard” for the relationship to thrive.

Sixteen months later, amid rising fears of ISIS-sponsored terror attacks in Turkey, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi flew to Ankara to meet with his Turkish counterpart Mevlut Cavusoglu. In a statement released after the November 2016 meeting, the Chinese ministry of foreign affairs explained that “both sides promise to firmly support each other’s efforts in maintaining national sovereignty, security, and stability” and will “never allow any events that could hurt the other country’s national security in their own territory.” Policy analysts had already noted that politicians anxious to improve business ties with China were increasingly dismissive of Turkish “sentimentality” over their kinship and loyalty to the Uyghurs, and these lines were understood by Gladney and others to imply that Turkey would drop opposition to, or even assist with, China’s Uyghur policies.

The statement also confirmed that the two countries were finally ready to push forward with the construction of a long-discussed, economy-boosting high-speed rail line.

Six weeks later, as Istanbul reeled from the the New Year’s Day attack, Turkey’s deputy prime minister lost no time in speculating that the attack was Uyghur-orchestrated.

 After years of rebuffing Chinese pressure to crackdown on Uyghurs, Turkey is at last toeing the line. After years of rebuffing Chinese pressure to crackdown on Uyghurs, Turkey is at last toeing the line. If, like its Central Asian neighbors, Turkey begins to scapegoat, marginalize, and extradite Uyghurs at China’s behest, they have lost their final safe haven. For Uyghurs fleeing Chinese repression, there is nowhere left to turn but the jihadist factions that are more than willing to take them in.

The repercussions are already clear. On Feb. 27, 2017, ISIS released a video specifically targeting China. In it, a Uyghur member pledges allegiance to the caliphate and threatens to flood the motherland with “rivers of blood,” while heavily armed Uyghur children are shown training, giving speeches, and even executing an “informant”, according to SITE Intelligence, the US agency that analyzed and translated the footage.

While militant Uyghur secessionists have used violence in the past, never before have Uyghur groups framed their struggle with China as jihadist. And never before have their threats been backed by an organized international network with a history of successful terror attacks. At last, China, as well as the rest of the world, has genuine reason to fear: as children come of age under the tutelage of ISIS, and if they manage to return to their motherland, these children and teenagers could constitute a very real, and very serious, terrorist threat.

“Uyghur terrorism has become a self-fulfilling prophecy,” says Roberts. “China has created the threat they long claimed to face.”

Kishilik Hoquq Teshkilatliri Yawropa-Xitay Bashliqlar Yighinida Kishilik Hoquqni Nuqtiliq Orungha Qoyushqa Chaqirdi

Xitay bash ministiri li kéchyang ikki yighin échilish murasimida söz qilmaqta. 2016-Yili 5-Mart, béyjing.

Xitay bash ministiri li kéchyang ikki yighin échilish murasimida söz qilmaqta. 2016-Yili 5-Mart, béyjing.


Xelqaradiki 15 kishilik hoquq we démokratik öktichi teshkilati 29‏-May yawropa ittipaqi rehberlirige xet yézip, ularni yawropa-Xitay bashliqlar yighinida xitaygha kishilik hoquqni basturushni toxtitish, qolgha élinghan barliq paaliyetchilerni qoyup bérish heqqide xususi we ashkara bésim ishlitishke chaqirghan.

Bu teshkilatlar xétide, yawropa ittipaqining erkinlik, démokratiye, kishilik terepdarlirining arqisida turushqa wede qilghanliqini, uning aliy derijilikler yighinida bu wedisige emel qilishi kéreklikini tekitlep, «yawropa ittipaqi rehberlirining öz wedisige munasip halda kishilik hoquq we tinch paaliyetchilerni qoyup bérishni özining xitay bilen bolghan munasiwetliridiki istratégiyilik nishani qilishi kérek» dégen.

Yawropa ittipaqi-Xitay bashliqlar söhbiti 1999‏-Yili bashlanghan. U shuningdin béri her yili bir qétim ötküzülüp kelgen. Bu qétim 1‏-Iyun ötküzülidighan bashliqlar yighini ularning 19‏-Nöwetlik söhbiti bolup, u 1989‏-Yili yüz bergen «4‏-Iyun weqesi» xatire künining harpisigha toghra kelgen.

Uning üstige bu nöwetlik söhbet yene, paaliyetchiler xitay we tibet kishilik hoquq weziyiti nacharliship, uyghurlar misli körülüp baqmighan bésimgha duch kéliwatqanliqini qeyt qiliwatqan mezgilde ötküzülidu.

Uninggha xelqara kechürüm teshkilati, kishilik hoquq közitish teshkilati, chégrasiz muxbirlar, wakaletsiz milletler we xelqler teshkilati, erkinlik sariyi, xelqara ten jazasigha qarshi turush teshkilati, dunya uyghur qurultiyi, xelqara tibet herikiti, junggo puqralar küchi qatarliq 15 teshkilat imza qoyghan.

Chégrasiz muxbirlar teshkilatining asiya ishlar diréktori bénjamin ismail düshenbe küni ziyaritimizni qobul qilip, yawropa ittipaqi rehberlirige birleshme ochuq xet yézishtiki meqsitini chüshendürdi.

U mundaq deydu: «chégrasiz muxbirlarni öz ichige alghan barliq teshkilatlar yawropa ittipaqining xitay-Yawropa ittipaqi dialogida özining bayanatigha sadiq qélishini, uningda qattiq turushini közleydu. Yawropa ittipaqi ötkenliki bir qanche yil mabeynide kishilik hoquq mesililirini, xususen söz erkinliki, uchur erkinlik mesilisini söhbet üstilige ünümlük qoyalmidi.»

Bénjamin ismailning körsitishiche, yuqiriqi teshkilatlar uzun yillardin béri yawropa ittipaqini xitay kishilik hoquq weziyitige dair matériyal bilen teminlep, uninggha teklip-Pikir we tewsiyelerni bérip kelgen bolsimu, biraq u bir netije qazinalmighan.
Bénjamin ismail yawropa ittipaqining kishilik hoquq mesilisini bu qétim xitaygha tesir qilarliq usulda otturigha qoyushini ümid qildi.

U mundaq deydu: «ammiy teshkilatlarning barliq tirishchanliqigha qarimay, yawropa ittipaqi özining kishilik hoquq sahesidiki yazma wediside konkrét netije hasil qilalmidi. Shunga, bu birleshme ochuq xette bu nuqta tekitlendi. Biz bu söhbetning yawropa ittipaqi wekillirige nisbeten bir ijabiy burulush nuqtisi bolup, xitay rehberlirining aldigha kishilik hoquq mesilisini biwasite we téximu ochuq otturigha qoyushini hem xitay dairilirini buninggha jawab bérishke mejburlishini ümid qilimiz.»

Yuqiriqi 15 xelqara teshkilat xétide yene, shi jinping dewride xitayning kishilik hoquq weziyiti, ipade erkinliki, yighilish, teshkilatlargha uyushush hoquqi, diniy étiqad erkinliki qattiq cheklimige uchrap, uyghur we tibetlerge qarshi düshmenlik dawamlishiwatqanliqini tekitligen.

Ochuq xette mundaq deydu: «xitay hökümiti musteqil ijtimaiy y jemiyetlerni bésiqturdi. Basturush xaraktérlik qanun, nizamlarni chiqirip, siyasiylashqan chériklikke qarshi turush herikiti arqiliq eslidila musteqil bolmighan edliye sistémisigha buzghunchiliq qildi. Dairiler xususen tibet we shinjang uyghur aptonom rayonlirida tibet we uyghurlargha dawamliq düshmenlik qilip keldi.»

Ochuq xette qeyt qilishiche, yawropa ittipaqi b d t kishilik hoquq kéngishi qatarliq orunlarda xitay kishilik hoquq mesilisige pikir bérip kelgen bolsimu, biraq uning kishilik hoquqqa qopal we sistémiliq buzghunchiliq qilish herikitini xitay rehberlirining aldigha qoyup baqmighan.

D u q ning aliy derijilik tetqiqatchisi pétir irwing yawropa ittipaqi kishilik hoquq mesiliside teng heriket qilip, pozitsiyisi birdek bolsa xitaygha tesir körsiteleydighanliqanliqini bildürdi.

U mundaq deydu: «eger, yawropa ittipaqi eza döletler xitay bilen öz aldigha söhbet élip barsa, bu xitay soda karxanilirini arqisigha alghan xitaygha nisbeten téximu asan bolidu. Xitay bilen bolghan munasiwetlerde eza döletlerge qarighanda yawropa ittipaqi téximu küchlük pozitsiye alalaydu. Shunga, yawropa ittipaqi rehberliride irade bolsila xitaygha tesir qilalaydu, dep oylaymen.»

Biraq pétir irwing yene, bu qétimqi söhbetke bezi ümidwar qarimaydighanliqini bildürdi. Uning körsitishiche, d u q bu söhbetning bir özgirish élip kélishige bek ümidwar qarimisimu, biraq uning yawropa kéngishi we komitétining kishilik hoquqni otturigha qoyushigha bésim shekillendürüshini ümid qilghan.

U mundaq deydu: «dunya uyghur qurultiyi bu dialogning chong özgirish élip kélishige bek ümidwar qarimaydu. Elwette, bizning bu ochuq xetke imza qoyushimizdiki seweb, yawropa ittipaqi kéngishi we yawropa ittipaqi komitéti prézidéntlirining kishilik hoquqni otturigha qoyushigha bésim shekillendürüshtur.Xususen, kéler hepte tyenenmin weqesining yilliq xatire küni yétip kélidu. Biz kishilik hoquq közitish teshkilatining bayanatini qollaymiz, biraq biz uning emeliy netije hasil qilishida ümidwar emes.»

15 Xelqara teshkilat yawropa ittipaqigha 6 türlük teklip bergen. Bu 6 türlük teklip kishilik hoquqqa xilap konkrét hadisilerni éniqlap chiqip otturigha qoyush, xitay kishilik hoquqni yaxshilimisa, uning bilen bolghan söhbetni toxtitish, mexsus méxanizm qurup, kishilik hoquqning aliy derijilikler söhbitide muzakire qilinishigha kapaletlik qilish, dalay lama bilen bolghan söhbetni eslige keltürüsh qatarliq mezmunlarni öz ichige alidu.

Lékin chégrasiz muxbirlar teshkilatidiki bénjamin ismailning bildürüshiche, yuqiriqi 6 türlük teklip bilen birge, chégrasiz muxbirlar teshkilati yene yawropa ittipaqigha ayrim teklip sunup, bezi xitay axbarat emeldarlirigha émbargo qoyushini telep qilghan.

U mundaq deydu: «bu ochuq xet we uningdiki 6 türlük teklip biz yawropa ittipaqidin kütidighan eng eqelliy telepler. Halbuki, bizning teshkilatimiz bashqa teshkilatlar bilen hemkarlashmay öz aldimizgha yene bezi tekliplerni sunduq. Biz burun yawropa ittipaqidin küchlük wasitilerni qollinip, xitayning bezi axbarat emeldarlirigha we mesullirigha mesilen, shinxua agéntliqi, merkizi téléwiziye istansilirining bashliqlirigha émbargo qoyushni telep qilghan. Biz bu nöwet buni yene telep qilduq. Chünki, bu axbarat organliri tutqunlarni mejburiy iqrar qildurup, ularning adil sotlinish hoquqigha xilapliq qildi.  (Erkin)

Chet’elde Milliy Küresh Sépide Méhnet Singdüriwatqan Heqiqi Wetenperwerlerning Diqqitige

 Uyghuristan Republik


Wetendiki uyghurlardin dat – peryad, nale – zare sadasi kéliwatidu. Weten sirtida, weten, milletni qutquzush yolida küresh qiliwatqanlardin öz’ara majira sadasi yüksiliwatidu. Del bugünki künde xitayning sherqi türkistanda 500 ming kishilik herbiy qoshuni, 300 ming kishilik saqchi qoshuni mewjut.bularning qolida ximiyilik, bi’ologiyilik we radi’aktip qorallar bar. Xitaylar, uyghur millitini qirip tashlashtin qorqmaydu. Qorqidighini bu qirghinchiliqni xelqara jama’etchilikning bilip qélish éhtimali. Xitay hakimiyiti 4. Ayning 1. Künidin bashlap wetinimizde bu milliy qirghinchiliqning teyyarliq basquchigha jiddi kirishti. Shunga wetende barliq alaqe wastiliri qattiq qamal astida.


Chet’eldiki siyasi krizis

Wetende éghir tarixi milliy krizis dawamlishiwatqan eng jiddi bir peytte,dunya uyghur qurultiyi rehberlik qatlimidiki kishilerning bir qismi, bashqa bir qismigha bildürmestin gollandiyede “ milliy ali kéngesh” échilidighanliqini élan qildi. Yene bir qismi, kéngesh achidighanlargha bildürmey uyghurlarning siyasi we bilim ademliri “istiratégiyilik yol xeritisi” muzakire qilish yéghini achidighanliqini élan qildi we derhal achti.
Wetende xitay teripidin yürgüzülüwatqan qirghinchiliq dawam qiliwatidu. Chet’elde bir tereptin kimning toghra, kimning xata? Dégen mesile üstide ijtima’iy taratqularda bes – munazire qizghin dawamlishiwatidu. Yene bir tereptin rabiye xanim duq ichide bir qisim yerdemchilirini wezipidin élip tashlighanliq toghrisidiki hükümnamisini élan qiliwatidu. Siyaset bilen shughulliniwatqanlar kimge qandaq qarshi turup, néme muwapiqiyetke érishishning pilanini tüzesh bilen aware boluwatqan bolsa, sadda we ot yürek wetenperwer yash dostlar ittipaqsizliqqa échinip bes- bes bilen derdlirini ijtima’iy taratqularda yézish bilen meshghul
Bir séhirlik qara qol sherqi türkistanda yürgüzülüwatqan milliy qirghinchiliq bilen weten sirtidiki uyghurlarning arisini tosup tashlaydighan perde tartip qoydi. Chet’elde bar bolghan ziddiyet bombisini del bu künlerde partlitish kimning pilani bolishi mumkin? Arimizdin kimlerni ishletti? Eqil igisi uyghurlar bu mesile üstide tepekkur qilip körishi lazim.


Ikki yéghinni teshkilligichilerge so’al

Birinji: rabiye xanim gollandiyede ali kéngesh échish qararini duq ichide qanche kishi bilen qarar qildi? Nimishqa duq ichide eng muhim wezipe ötewatqan yardemchiliridin yushurun qarar qobul qildi? Bu so’algha metbu’at arqiliq jawap berse memnun bolimen.
Ikkinchi: istiratégiyilik yol xeritisini muzakire qilish üchün toplan’ghuchi uyghurlar arisida tesiri bar bir qisim ziyaliylar bolup, yéghinning duq bilen héchqandaq munasiwiti yoqlighini élan qildi. Amma yéghin’gha qatnashquchilarning muhim bir qismi duq rehberlik qatlimida wezipe ötewatqan kishilerdur. Ular teshkili pirinsipke asasen rabiye xanimni xewerlendürüshi kérek idi.amma ular yéghin échish pilanini rabiye xanimdin mexpi tutqan. Beziler ”rabiye xanimni xewerlendürsek yéghin’gha tosqunluq qilatti“ déyishi mumkin. Chünki, qibristiki yéghinning buzghunchiliqqa uchirishida rabiye xanimning qoli bar“ dégenler bolghan. Shundaqtimu qatnishidighan yéghin’gha bashliqini xewerlendürüp qoyup bérish hem teshkili hem exlaqi zürüriyettur.
Üchinchi: istiratégiyilik yol xeritisi yéghini, sherqi türkistandin ibaret bir öyge ot kétiwatqan we öy ichinde insanlar köyüwatqan bir xeterlik peytke toghra kelgen. Men bu yéghinni achqan qérindashlirimdin sorap baqay; Bir öyge ot kétiwatsa, u öy bizning öyimiz bolsa, öy ichide köyüwatqanlar bizning ata- animiz we qérindashlirimiz ikenlikini bilip turup, otni öchürüshke yügürüshimiz, otni öchürüshke imkanimiz bolmisa ”xalayiq yardem qilinglar!“ dep warqirap jar sélishimiz muhimmu yaki otni qandaq öchürüsh toghrisidiki nezeriye üstide talash – tartish qilip olturishimiz muhimmu?

Men uniwérsitétta oquwatqan waxtimda “amérika tarixi” dégen bir xitayche kitabni oqughan idim. Aq tenlik qul sodigerliri afriqidin qara qullarni sétiwélip kémilerge toldurup okyan arqiliq amérika qit’esige apirip satqan. Bu soda bir qanche esir dawamlashqan.kéme kaptanliri üchün déngiz yoli xeritisi zörür. Amma xerite nahayiti qimmet. Kémiler yenila xerite élishqa mejbur. Bir muddettin kéyin yéngi yolgha chiqidighan kémilerning héchqaysi xerite sétiwalmas bolup qalghan. Chünki, afriqidin amérika sahillirighiche her kilomitirda bir qanche qara jeset leylep turghachqa kémiler jesetlerni boylap yolini dawamlashturulghan. Yoshurun xada tashlargha urulup pachaqlinish xewpidin qutulghan. Yol xeritisi elwette bek muhim. Eger u yolda mangidighan insanlar ölüp tügep ketse, yol xeritisimu qimmitini yoqitidu.
Men, bérlinda démokratik gherb döletlerdin kélip toplan’ghan qabiliyetlik, köp til bilidighan, pidakarliq rohi ispatlan’ghan qérindashlirimning yéghin axiridiki axbaratida “ biz her qaysi döletlerdin kelgen wetenperwer ziyaliylar, öz döletlirimizge qaytip bérip xitayning 1. Apréldin bashlap ijra qiliwatqan ”dini esebiylikni tügitish nizamnamisi“ning uyghur millitini tügitish nizamnamisi ikenliki toghrisidiki delil, ispatlarni biz yashawatqan dölet xelqlirige, hökümet, ammiwiy teshkilatlirigha jiddi yetküzüp, dunyaning diqqitini qirghinchiliqqa uchrawatqan uyghur xelqige jelip qilish üchün töwendikidek konkrét istiratégiyilik xerite teyyarliduq…“ deydu dep oylighan idim. Eger shundaq bir bayanat élan qilinsa idi, jinayet sadir qiliwatqan xitay xakimiyiti sarasimgha chushken bolatti. Weten ichi, sirtidiki uyghurlarning rohi keypiyati koturulgen, umidi kucheygen bulatti. Yéghinning échilish meqsiti undaq bolmighanliqi üchün netijimu undaq bolmidi.

Bilim we eqilning wijdan’gha wekillik qilishi natayin. Wijdanmu öz aldigha pidakarliqning menbesi bolalmaydu. Pidakarliqning menbesi söygü- muhebbettur. Perhatning shirin üchün körsetken pidakarliqi bilim yaki wijdanning emes, söygü-muhebbetning yuqirida tekitlep öttum:xitaylar, uyghur millitini qirip tashlashtin qorqmaydu. Qorqidighini bu qirghinchiliqni xelqara jama’etchilikning bilip qélish éhtimali.chet’eldiki uyghurlar üchün bu noqtigha merkezlishish intayin muhim.
Chet’elde özimiz yaratqan kirzistin qandaq qutulimiz?

Bügün uyghur millitining eng i’ihtiyajliq boluwatqini ümit. Ümitsiz insan tirik murda démektur. Xitayning birinchi istiratigiyesi uyghur millitining özige bolghan ümit we ishenchisini tamamen yoq qiliwétishtur. Wetende qepeske sulan’ghan qedirdan xelqimizning birinji ümidi yaratqan allah. Ikkinji ümidi ular üchün chet’ellerde jan pidaliq bilen peryad qiliwatqan, qolidin kélishiche tiriship tirmishiwatqan muhajir qérindashliridur. Duq we cheteldiki weten, millet söygüsi bilen yüriki köyüwatqan uyghurlar aldi bilen tiz we ongushluq halda siyasi kirizning ichidin chiqishi kérek. Eger kuch we inirgiyemizni öz’ara boghushush üchün serp qilishni dawamlashturidighan bolsaq, biz uyghurlar allaningmu, dos we qérindash xelqlerningmu yardimidin mehrum qalimiz. Kirzistin chiqishning tedbirlirini men ortigha qoyimen, köpchilik munazire qilip tekliplirini ortigha qoysun. Mes’uliyiti bolghanlar heriketke ötsün.
Birinchi: rabiye xanim derhal we héchbir aldinqi shert qoymastin duq ijra komitéti ezalirini telpün yéghin’gha chaqirip, muddettin burun we derhal duq qurultiyini échishni qararlashturishi kérek. Gollandiyede échilidighan kéngesh( köpchilik teripidin qararlashturilmighanlighi üchün) emeldin qaldurulushi lazim. Qurultayning qachan we qayerde échlishi awazgha qoyulup qararlashturilishi lazim
Ikkinji: bu qétimqi duq qurultiyida yéngi rehberlik guruppisining qurulup chéqilishi shert.
Üchinchi: duq nizamnamisigha uyghun démokratik saylam otkuzulishi,saylamgha qet’iy hili arilashashmasliqni kapaletlendürüsh kérek.
Tötinchi: eger duq mesilisini hel qilalmay ikki, hetta üch gurupqa bölünüp ketse, ziddiyet muresse qilghili bolmaydighan derijige bérip yetse mes’uliyetni duq resisi bolghan rabiye xanim öz üstige élishqa mejbur. Shunga qalaymiqanchiliqni tüzitishning charisini qarshi terep bilen di’alog qilish arqiliq tépilishi lazim. Pat- pat xitay re’isi shijinping bilen di’alog qilish arzusini ipadilep kéliwatqan rabiye xanimning duq ichidiki öktichi guruppalar bilen qerellik di’alog qilishtin  chikinmeydighanlighigha ishinimen.
Beshinchi: ziddiyettin paydilinip rabiye xanimni, dolqun eysani, ömer qanatni xeqning neziridin chüshürüp, duqqa paydisiz birilirini duqning béshigha ekilishni chüshiniwatqan mewhum kuchlarning shepisini séziwatimen. Ularning pilani emelge ashsa duq özligidin tarqilip kétish basquchigha kirishi mumkin. Eger duq ikki yaki üch teshkilatqa bölünüp ketse we ichki ziddiyet peseytkili bolmaydighan weziyet shekillense buning tarixi mes’uliyiti duq re’isi we bashqa rehberlik qatlimidiki kishlerge a’it bolidighanliqini munasiwetlik hemmeylen isidin chiqarmasliqi lazim.

Chet’eldiki bizler uyghur millitining yashishighimu yaki yoqlishighimu yardemchi bolidighanlighimiz aldimizdiki ötkelde ispatlinidu.

Bu maqalining bir küni tarix aldidiki jawapkarlighimning ispati bulup qalidighanliqigha ishinimen.

Bezi mesililerni bu yerde otturigha qoymidim. Munasiwetlik kishilerning özige biwaste éytimen.

Barliq qérindashlargha salam!


Hürmet bilen: Mehmetimin Hezret



28-May 2017  Türkiye Istanbul

Ötkür Ependining «Ili sulari» Namliq Shéiri we Manas Deryasi Boyidiki Tarixiy Milliy Tragédiye

Shair we yazghuchi merhum abdurehim ötkür. 1948-Yili (orni éniq emes)

Shair we yazghuchi merhum abdurehim ötkür. 1948-Yili (orni éniq emes)


Merhum ötkür ependining aile arxipida saqliniwatqan xet-Chekler, qolyazmilar we hazirghiche élan qilinmighan eserliri ichide «ili sulari» namliq bir shéir alahide diqqet qozghaydu.

1949-Yilining yanwar aylirida yézilip hazirghiche metbuatta élan qilinmighan bu shéir merhum ötkür ependining buningdin 68 yil ilgiri, yeni 20-Esir tarixining hel qilghuch deqiqiliride turuwatqan uyghur xelqining öz kélechiki heqqidiki azabliq soallirigha béghishlanghan.

Ili sulari tash yene, biraq –
Manas köwrüki bolmighay tosaq,
Yetmise emdi bu achchiq sawaq,
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar!

Norwégiyede yashawatqan uyghur awaz artisi qaraxanning déklamatsiyesidiki bu misralar merhum ötkür ependining «ili sulari» namliq shéirining eng axirqi bir kuplétidur.

«Ili sulari» namliq bu shéirning yézilghan dewri we tarixiy arqa körünüshi heqqide toxtalghan yaponiye kyu-Shiyo uniwérsitétining tetqiqatchisi, pelsepe penliri doktori muxter abdurahman munularni tekitleydu: «ötkür ependining bu shéiri milliy armiye manas deryasi boyigha yétip kélip, u yerde töt yillap turup qalghan bir pewquladde dewrde yézilghan. Ilida sherqiy türkistan jumhuriyiti qurulup, xelq toluq azadliqqa teshna bolup turghan bir zamanda milliy armiyining manas deryasi boyida toxtap qélishi minglighan uyghur ziyaliylirini, awam xelqni qattiq ökündürgen idi. Bu shéirda xelqimizning ene ashu ökünüshliri we soalliri ajayip misralarning pasahiti bilen ipade qilinghan.»

Ötkür ependi alemdin ötkinige bu yil 22 yil boldi, emma uning yalqunluq shéiriy misraliri bilen millet rohiyitining eng chongqur qatlamlirini eks ettürgen bediiy eserliri yillar ötkenséri téximu zor qimmetke we söyüp oqulushqa muyesser bolmaqta.

Hülya xanim 1990-Yillarning bashlirida ötkür ependining shéiriy ijadiyiti heqqide tetqiqat élip bérip doktorluq ilmiy unwanigha érishken tunji chetellik tetqiqatchi. Nöwette türkiyening ghazi uniwérsitétida türkiy xelqler edebiyati boyiche proféssor bolup ishlewatqan hülya qassapoghli enqerediki ishxanisida turup radiyomiz ziyaritini qobul qilghinida ötkür ependining bediiy ijadiyet yoli heqqide toxtilip ötti.

Proféssor hülya xanim ötkür ependining deslepki shéiriy ijadiyet pellisining 1940-Yillarda yaritilghanliqini, kommunist xitayning uyghur diyaridiki hökümranliqi éghirlashqan yillarda, yeni 1950-Yillardin taki 1970-Yillarning axirlirighiche shairning dewr shamallirigha egeshmestin bediiy ijadiyette süküt qilghanliqini alahide tekitleydu.

Hülya xanim yene, abdurehim ötkürning shéiriy ijadiyetliridiki eng muhim témining hürriyet we weten témisi ikenlikini tilgha alidu. U ötkür ependi bir milliy shair bolush süpiti bilen özining bediiy ijadiyetliridiki ilham menbesini xelqining ümidliridin, hayajanliridin we arzu-Armanliridin alghan, dep qaraydu.

Doktor muxter abdurahman «ili sulari» namliq bu shéir heqqide analiz yürgüzginide, ötkür ependining shéirda simwolluq wasitilerni qollinip, küchlük chaqiriq tüsige ige ritorik xitablar arqiliq tarixning éghir sinaqlirigha duch kelgen uyghur xelqining eyni chaghdiki milliy tragédiye éngini ipade qilghanliqini ilgiri süridu.

Hülya xanimmu ötkür ependining 1940-Yillardiki shéiriy ijadiyetliride simwolluq, lirikiliq we diramatik bediiy ipadilerning mahirliq bilen qollinilghanliqini tilgha alidu.

Milliy armiye manas deryasi boyida toxtashqa mejbur bolghan ashu 4 yilliq hel qilghuch tarixiy jeryanda, uyghur xelqi öz kélechiki heqqide némilerni oylidi? öz tarixidiki eng ökünüshlük yillargha qandaq inkaslarda boldi? doktor muxter abdurahman, ötkür ependining «ili sulari» namliq bu shéiri del uyghur xelqining ashu tarixiy basquchtiki soalliri, ökünüshliri, arzu-Armanliri we siyasiy ghayisining yarqin ipadisi, dep qaraydu.

Proféssor hülya xanim axirida munularni tekitleydu: «ötkür ependi néme üchün untulmaydu? u shuning üchün untulmaydiki, ötkür xelqning shairi. U öz xelqining yighisini yighlap, külkisini külgen bir milliy shair. U öz xelqining ümidlirini, ghayisini, hayajinini, erkinlikke bolghan teshnaliqini we ularning némini kütidighanliqini bilgen shair. Bundaq shair qandaqmu untulsun? u shu qeder beriketlik bir shairki, uning ölümidin kéyin uyghur xelqide yüzligen shairlar tughuldi.»

Anglarmen dostlar!

Abdurehim ötkürning «ili sulari» namliq bu shéirining toluq tékisti uyghur awaz artisliridin qaraxan ependining déklamatsiyeside diqqitinglargha sunuldi:

Chüshse yadimgha ili sulari,
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar.
Yetse qulaqqa ahu-Mungliri,
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar.

Qéni u séning azad yerliring,
Xan leylun éytqan meghrur erliring?
Qumgha singdimu qanu-Terliring,
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar.

Qéni kochangdin tolghunup axsham –
Ötkende éytqan ewrishim naxsham?
Shuni eslisem her bir seher-Sham,
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar.

Qéni rizwangül köksidin aqqan,
Qashning süyidek shox, pakize qan?
Qéni shu qanlar, jenggiwar dastan,
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar.

Malxay qirlighan yigitler qéni؛
Qéni alqishqa kömülgen ghéni?
Shumidi elning changqap kütkini,
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar.

Qérip qaptimu ghénikam batur,
Hélitinla-He, shunchilik baldur?
Héy saba tézrek bir xeber keltür,
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar.

Tinimsiz sayram chayqalmamdikin,
Telkidin tuman tarqalmamdikin,
Nilqa atliri chapalmamdikin?
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar.

Nilqa étigha yoqmikin taqa,
Meylimu shunche yirtilsa yaqa?
Zumret kölümni bulghidi paqa,
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar.

Atlar dukuri, miltiq awazi,
Estin chiqtimu bürküt perwazi,
Yoqmu shéhitqa dewager ghazi?
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar.

Ili sulari dolqunliringni,
Xoymu séghindim upqunliringni,
Qachan anglarmen shox ünliringni,
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar.

Ili sulari tash yene, biraq –
Manas köwrüki bolmighay tosaq,
Yetmise emdi bu achchiq sawaq,
Köz yashlirimdin qaynar bulaqlar!

1949-Yil yanwar, ürümchi

2-Nöwetlik «Sherqiy Türkistan Istratégiye Muhakime Yighini» Axirlashti

2-Nöwetlik «sherqiy türkistan istratégiye muhakime yighini» din körünüsh. 2017-Yili 19-May, bérlin.

2-Nöwetlik «sherqiy türkistan istratégiye muhakime yighini» din körünüsh. 2017-Yili 19-May, bérlin.


19-May bérlinda bashlanghan 2-Nöwetlik «sherqiy türkistan istratégiye muhakime yighini» 21-May netijilik axirlashti.

Gérmaniye paytexti bérlinda 3 kün dawam qilghan 2-Nöwetlik «sherqiy türkistan istratégiye muhakime yighini» 21-May küni yighin axbaratini élan qilish bilen axirlashti.

Yighinning axirqi künide, ottura sherqtiki uyghurlar mesilisi, türkiyediki uyghur musapirliri mesilisi, xitay hökümitining cheteldiki uyghurlarni qayturup kétip türmilerge bend qilish we pasportlirini musadire qiliwélish mesilisi, xitayning islami isimlarni cheklesh mesilisi qatarliqlar üstide mulahiziler yürgüzüsh we qararlar qobul qilish bilen birge, «sherqiy türkistan mesilisini hel qilishning yolliri we siyasetliri» dégen asasiy téma üstide etrapliq toxtilip, muhim bolghan istratégiyilik küresh xeritisini sizip chiqip, tewsiye qararliri qobul qilish bilen tügellendi.

Bir uyghur siyasiy paaliyetchisi süpitide bu qétimqi yighin‘gha qatnashqan d u q bayanatchisi dilshat réshit ependi ziyaritimizni qobul qilghanda, yighinning nahayiti ehmiyetlik bolghanliqini eskertti.

Yighinda «sherqiy türkistan mesilisini hel qilishning yolliri we siyasetliri» dégen témigha ait köpligen muhim teklip-Pikirler otturigha qoyuldi. Mesilen؛ «sherqiy türkistan milliy azadliq herikitining 3 basquchluq istratégiyilik pilanining 1-Basquchidiki bésishqa tégishlik qedemler heqqidiki yéngi toluqlima mezmunlar we özgirishlerning ijrasini emelge ashurush. Xitay élan qiliwatqan qanun-Tüzümler we yerlik nizamlardiki kishilik hoquq depsendichilikige ait mezmunlarni herqaysi döletler hökümetliri, b d t, yawropa parlaméntida ghulghula qozghaydighan témigha aylandurush we buning yolliri» dégendek.

Yaponiyede aktip paaliyet qiliwatqan uyghur ziyaliysi ilham mahmut ependimu yighin esnasida ziyaritimizni qobul qilip, bu yighingha yuqiri baha berdi.

21-Maydiki yighinda yene, amérika tashqi ishlar ministirliqi we amérika dölet mejlisi bilen alaqe ornitish we buning yolliri. B d t, yawropa parlaméntida emelge ashurush pilan qilinghan siyasetlerning ijrasini tizlitish. Muhajirettiki teshkilatlarni tizginleydighan, yétekleydighan, ishqa salidighan merkizi qurulmini berpa qilish we teshkilatlar idéologiyisini turghuzush dégendek mezmunlardimu muhakimiler bolup ötti.

Kanadadin kélip yighingha qatnashqan uyghur ziyaliysi tuyghun ependimu bu qétimqi yighingha bolghan memnuniyitini bildürdi.

Mezkur yighinning axirida yene, pilanliq teshwiqat muessesiliri qurup chiqish we kespiyleshtürüp ishqa kirishtürüsh, maliye kapalitini turghuzush, milliy kimlikni qoghdashning konkrét yolliri qatarliq keng sahelerdiki jiddiy mesililerde her türlük yol xeritiliri sizildi.

Bu 3 künlük muhakime yighini toghrisidiki tesiratlirini bayan qilip ötken shiwétsiyediki uyghur ziyaliysi nijat turghun ependi yighinning muhajirettiki uyghur milliy dewasi üchün zor ehmiyetlik bolghanliqini tilgha aldi.

22-May küni 2-Nöwetlik «sherqiy türkistan istratégiye muhakime yighini»gha kelgen bir qisim wekiller gérmaniye bash ministir mehkimiside gérmaniyening bir qisim yuqiri derijilik rehberliri bilen ayrim söhbet élip bardi.(EKREM)

Suudi Arabistan’ın Başkenti Riyad’da Düzenlenen ABD-Arap Ve İslam Ülkeleri Zirvesi Sona Erdi

Suudi Arabistan’ın başkenti Riyad’da ABD Başkanı Donald Trump ile 55 Arap ve İslam ülkesi lideri ve heyetinin katıldığı ‘ABD-Arap ve İslam Ülkeleri Zirvesi’ yayınlanan Riyad Deklarasyonu ile sona erdi.


Kral Abdulaziz Uluslararası Fuar ve Kongre Merkezi’nde gerçekleştirilen ve Türkiye’den Dışişleri Bakanı Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu’nun katıldığı zirvenin sonunda, bir dizi kararların yer aldığı “Riyad Deklarasyonu” yayınlandı.

Deklarasyonda, terör ile mücadelede yapılarak güven, istikrar ve barışın sağlanması için Arap ve İslam ülkelerinin ABD ile köklü bir koordinasyon içinde olması, bilgi ve deneyim transferi başta olmak üzere birçok alanda ortak hareket etme kararı alındığı belirtildi.

– Stratejik Ortadoğu İttifakı

Deklarasyonda, Ortadoğu ve dünyada barış ve güven sağlanması için 2018’e kadar kuruluş çalışmalarının tamamlanması beklenen “Stratejik Ortadoğu İttifakı” kurulması ile ilgili çabalara sıcak bakıldığı, Riyad’da kurulan “İtidal” Uluslararası Radikal Düşünceyle Mücadele Merkezi’nin faaliyetlere başlaması ve 34 bin kişilik askeri gücü bünyesinde barındıran, Suriye ve Irak’ta ihtiyaç halinde terör ile mücadele için sahada aktif bir şekilde kullanılabilecek olan “Teröre Karşı İslam İttifakı” adlı kuruluşun tamamlanarak göreve hazır hale gelmesinin desteklendiği ve sevinçle karşılandığı aktarıldı.

İran’ın bölge ülkelerinin içişlerine müdahalesi ve düşmanca tavırlarının kesin bir dille reddedildiği deklarasyonda, İran’ın balistik füze programının tehlikeli olduğu, diplomatların ve büyükelçiliklerin korunmasını güvence altına alan Viyana Sözleşmesi’nin İran tarafından ihlal edilmesi ise kınandı.

Terörle mücadele konusunda uluslararası ve ikili anlaşmaların aktif bir şekilde devam edeceği ve ilgili kurumların mücadeleyi etkin bir şekilde yürütmesi için kendilerini geliştirmesi gerektiği belirtilen deklarasyonda, terörün finansmanı ve teröristlerin nakit transferlerinin belirlenip engellenmesini öngören Körfez ülkeleri ile ABD arasındaki anlaşmaya zirveye katılan liderlerin de taraf olması çağrısında bulunuldu.

Deklarasyonda ayrıca ABD-Arap ve İslam Ülkeleri Zirvesi’ne katılanların, hiçbir terör eylemi veya teröristi, herhangi bir din, kültür veya gelenek ile bağdaştırmayacağı, ülkelerindeki farklı din, kültür, ve etnik gruplar arasında birlikte yaşama ve yardımlaşma kültürünü yayacağı, toplumdaki bireylerin bunları özümsemesi için çalışma yürütmesi gerektiği ifade edildi.

Suudi Arabistan tarafından daha önce kurulan ve aktif bir şekilde çalışmalarını yürüten “Din Mensupları Arası Diyalog Merkezi” girişiminin çok verimli bir girişim olduğuna işaret edilen deklarasyonda, buna benzer deneyimlerin arttırılarak toplumların gelişmesine katkı sunmak gerektiği kaydedildi.

Sherqiy Türkistanliqlarning Ikkinchi Nöwetlik Istratégiye Muhakime Yighini Échiliwatidu


«Sherqiy türkistan istratégiye muhakime yighini» din bir körünüsh

«Sherqiy türkistan istratégiye muhakime yighini» din bir körünüsh


19-May bashlanghan istratégiye muhakime yighinida uyghurlarning teqdirige munasiwetlik muhim témilar muzakire qilindi. Gérmaniye paytexti bérlinda 19-May bashlanghan 2-Nöwetlik sherqiy türkistanliqlar istratégiye muhakime yighinida uyghurlarning bügüni we kelgüsige ait muhim mezmunlar muzakire témisi boldi.

20-May chüshtin burun, 11-Séntebir weqesidin kéyin xitay hökümitining uyghurlarni xelqaragha térrorist qilip körsitish üchün qollanghan pütün hiyle-Neyrengliri, uyghurlar mesilisining xelqara sehnidin orun élishi, xelqarada yüz bergen özgirishlerning uyghurlar mesilisige körsitidighan ijabiy yaki selbiy tesirliri, yüksiliwatqan xitay we dunyagha kélish éhtimali bolghan ichki-Tashqi weqeler, xitayning xelqara tüzüm we sistémigha tesir körsitishke urunushi, xitayning amérika, yawropa birliki, rusiye, yaponiye, hindistan, türkiye hem qoshna döletler bilen bolghan munasiwiti we buning uyghurlarning kélechikige körsitidighan tesiri, uyghurlar qollinishqa tégishlik tedbirler, kélechek üchün izdeshke tégishlik yollar qatarliqlar heqqide uzun-Bes munaziriler boldi.

Shuning bilen birge, uyghur éli duch kélidighan mesililer, muhajirettiki uyghur teshkilatlirining muresselishishi, uyghur siyasetchilerning kespiylishishi, maliye we xelqara jamaetchilik, uyghurlarning idéologiye mesilisi qatarliqlar asasliq söz témisigha aylandi.

Bu qétimqi yighingha türkiyedin kélip qatnashqan alimjan boghda ependi ziyaritimizni qobul qilghanda, yighinning dunya we uyghurlargha munasiwetlik sahelerde köp ilmiy izdinishlerde bolghanliqini eskertti. Amérikidin kelgen roshen abbas xanimmu yighinda otturigha qoyulghan bezi témilar toghrisida toxtaldi. U yene özining bu qétimqi yighindin alghan tesiratlirini bayan qilip ötti.
20-Maydiki yighinda yene uyghurlarning kélechekte rusiye, yaponiye, hindistanda qolgha keltürüsh éhtimali bolghan siyasiy menpeetliri üstide uzun talash-Tartishlar bolundi.

Bügün bu döletler xitay bilen dost ötüwatqan bolsimu, emma kelgüside bu dostluqining buzulush mumkinlikini nezerge alghan asasta istratégiye belgileshning zörürlükide pikir birliki hasil qilindi.

Türkiyening dölet menpeeti seweblik xéli uzun bir mezgilgiche uyghurlarni xitay bilen bolghan munasiwette qurban qilishni dawamlashturidighanliqi mulahize qilindi.

Gollandiyedin kelgen abduraxman haji ependimu, bu yighindin köp nep alghanliqini, yighin mezmunlirining nezer dairisini kéngeytkenlikini tekitlidi.

Kanadadin kelgen ruqiye turdush xanimmu bu heqte öz tesiratlirini bildürüp ötti.

3 Kün dawamlishidighan bu yighinning bügünki programmisida, xitayning kelgüside halak bolush éhtimali barliqi we uyghurlarning azadliqi üchün bu pursettin qandaq paydilinish mesililirimu küntertipke keldi. Bu téma köp mulahize qilindi.

Yüz bérish éhtimali bolghan barliq mesililer nezerge élindi. Uyghurlar öz hakimiyitini qolgha keltürüshte kérekke kélidighan chare-Tedbirler heqqide köplep teklip pikirliri otturigha qoyuldi.