China’s Mass Detention of Muslims Is a Test for Trump

The Trump administration has been slamming Beijing for its Uighur internment camps. But some worry that criticism will go quiet after the G20.SIGAL SAMUELNOV 27, 2018

Donald Trump and Xi Jinping meet in Beijing in 2017.
Donald Trump and Xi Jinping meet in Beijing in 2017.JONATHAN ERNST / REUTERS

U.S. President Donald Trump is preparing to meet with his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping at the G20 summit this week. After months of stalled negotiations on the trade war, the two countries are reaching a key point, with the prospect looming of Washington raising tariffs on Beijing.

If the two countries do make any progress on trade, however, some experts worry that the Trump administration may soften its criticism of Beijing on a different issue: human rights.

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Senior officials had in recent months been slamming China for detaining an estimated 1 million Uighur Muslims in internment camps in the northwestern Xinjiang region. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said in September that they were being “held against their will in so-called reeducation camps where they’re forced to endure severe political indoctrination and other awful abuses.” The next month, outgoing UN Ambassador Nikki Haley noted, “It is the largest internment of civilians in the world today—it may be the largest since World War II.” Vice President Mike Pence lamentedthat “for a time, Beijing inched toward greater liberty and respect for human rights. But in recent years, China has taken a sharp U-turn.”

The language of human rights has not always enjoyed such prominence in Trump’s Washington. In the past, some within the administration, like former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, have been reluctant to make U.S. foreign policy conditional on human rights. When Trump withdrew the United States from the UN Human Rights Council in June, many interpreted the move to mean he was putting such issues on the back burner. And after the president responded reticently to the murder of the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, some, like my colleague David Graham, saw it as “the end of American lip service to human rights.”


Even as supporters of the Uighur cause welcome the renewed prominence of human-rights rhetoric in regards to China, they also fear that U.S. officials may be instrumentalizing it as part of a broader anti-Beijing offensive that has grown to include accusations of everything from cyber theft to election meddling.

John Kamm, an influential businessman-turned-activist whose Dui Hua Foundation works to free prisoners of conscience in China, spelled out the worry: “If this is just a negotiation tool, then it can be dropped as a negotiation tool at any time,” he said. “If Trump and Xi get together in Buenos Aires [for the G20], and they patch things up and there’s a big trade deal and the relationship is back on track, if as part of that … it turns out that this was just a negotiating tool, of course I’ll be very disappointed.”

If the U.S. is perceived to be instrumentalizing human rights, that can make it easier for Beijing to control the narrative, according to James Millward, a professor of Chinese history at Georgetown University. “From the Chinese point of view, it’s very easy to characterize international concerns about human rights as simply part of a raft of complaints,” he said. “They can diminish our concerns about human rights by saying they’re just part of a Trump campaign to criticize and contain China.”

Read: China is treating Islam like a mental illness

A State Department spokesperson insisted in an email that the administration has advocated consistently for human rights in China, writing, “We have used many of the tools available to us to hold officials accountable for abuses.” Notably, last year the former Beijing police chief Gao Yan was among the first ever tranche of foreign officials sanctioned under the Global Magnitsky Act for his role in the death of an activist held in government custody.

The spokesperson also said that the U.S. is now considering targeted sanctions against Xinjiang officials involved with the internment camps, adding, “China’s claims that these camps are ‘humane job-training centers’ are preposterous.”

A bipartisan group of lawmakers, led by Senator Marco Rubio and Senator Bob Menendez, introduced a bill in Congress this month advocating for a range of U.S.-government actions on China, including sanctioning Xinjiang officials under the Global Magnitsky Act. “The president needs to have a clear and consistent approach to China,” Menendez said in a statement, “and not turn a blind eye as a million Muslims are unjustly imprisoned and forced into labor camps by an autocratic regime.”

Read: Internet sleuths are hunting for China’s secret internment camps for Muslims

Johnnie Moore, an evangelical adviser to the president who serves on the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, told me that the Trump administration is one of the few governments in the world that can advocate successfully for human rights in China. “They are demonstrating that they are the only administration since China rose to its power that’s willing to stand up to certain things,” he said. That’s partly because of Trump’s willingness to punish Xi economically, as seen in his recent embrace of foreign aid to undercut Chinese geopolitical influence, and his threat to add more tariffs to China’s exports if talks at the G20 don’t yield a deal.

But Trump, for his part, has signaled that he’d rather be done with punishing Xi. Although the two leaders’ rapport deteriorated with the trade war, their old friendship may soon get back on track. Trump this month called Xi a “great guy, great man from China.”

We want to hear what you think about this article. Submit a letter to the editor or write to

Sigal Samuel

SIGAL SAMUEL is an associate editor at The Atlantic, covering religion and global affairs. She is the author of The Mystics of Mile End.FacebookTwitterPROMOTED STORIES

In Protest of China’s Uyghur ‘Gulags’ Dr Maung Zarni cancels his speech at the 5th Global China Dialogue at the British Academy

In Protest of China’s Uyghur ‘Gulags’ Dr Maung Zarni cancels his speech at the 5th Global China Dialogue at the British Academy

Dec 1, 2018 


Subject: My Decision to Cancel My Speech at the 5th Global China Dialogue on Governance for Global Justice In Protest against China’s Detention of 1 million Uyghurs in Xinjing

November 30, 2018

Professor Xiangqun Chang, PhD
President of Global China Institute
Honorary Professor of University College London

Dear Professor Chang and the Organizing Committee of the GCD Series,

It is with deep regret that I am writing to inform you of my decision to cancel my speech on my own country Myanmar’s genocide entitled “Rethinking Sovereignty in the Age of Atrocity Crimes & Multiple Internal & Inter-state Conflicts” scheduled for December 7, 2018.

As a human rights activist, a Buddhist educator and a politically engaged scholar of genocide, racism and violence, I cannot, in clear conscience, participate in the three-day forum which is officially endorsed by the Government of China.

As you and your esteemed colleagues very well know the ruling Communist Party of China today stands credibly accused of commissioning a systematic and racially motivated persecution of Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang Province.

On September 18, 2018, at a side event at the Human Rights Council in Geneva hosted by Germany-based Society for Threatened Peoples, I heard a Muslim Uyghur man give his personal testimony about his own mother who only weeks ago had died in one of the concentration camps – which China brands as “vocational training centres.” He had not seen his mother for the last 20-odd years.

I was moved by this Uyghur exile – born and raised in what he and his fellow people call East Turkistan vis-à-vis China’s official name for his homeland, Xinjiang.

As a Burmese exile from military-controlled Burma, or Myanmar, who saw his late mother three brief times in the last 30 years before she died in February this year, I could feel the depths of the pain of this Uyghur human rights campaigner over the personal loss of his mother.

Beyond the personal, I also heard, at the same event, a German investigative journalist present evidence of what he described as “a vast complex of concentration camps”. I saw photographic evidence of one complex encircled by a tall concrete wall, with watch towers, CCCTV surveillance cameras and machine-gun-holding guards.

Earlier on August 10, BBC quoted Gay McDougall, a member of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination as saying she was concerned about the UN report that China had “turned the Uighur autonomous region into something that resembles a massive internment camp”.

Much as I would like to keep my commitment to speak at your important conference at the prestigious British Academy, look forward to the opportunities to mingle at the House of Commons’ event with the academic giants of the English speaking world including the likes of Professor and Lord Anthony Giddens, Professor Martin Albrow and to network with leading Chinese scholars from China – I have reached a difficult decision to withdraw my participation in the 5th Global China Dialogue next week.

I came from the formerly British-colonized Burma, and anti-colonialism and anti-racism form the core of my identity as an activist and an intellectual. When China was moving towards a more open society while improving human conditions for hundreds of millions of Chinese people I cheered on. I was hopeful that finally the country which, with India, Indonesia, Burma and Sri Lanka, co-founded the anti-imperialist non-aligned movement at Bandung in 1955 would be in a position to provide the world with the much-needed moral and ideological leadership in a humanistic and progressive direction.

But the turn of events and revelations about the early-days of state-directed genocide against Uyghur Muslims deflated my excitement and hope about the positive role Beijing would play in creating a post-colonial world order.

As someone with deep roots in Asia, I very much hope that China’s intellectuals and China-friendly global academics such as yourself and your colleagues will work towards reversing this deeply troubling path on which China has been put.

Until then I have decided to boycott any public or private educational or cultural event that is officially backed by the Government of China.

Thank you.


Dr Maung Zarni
Fellow, (Genocide) Documentation Center – Cambodia/Sleuk Rith Institute
Member, Board of Advisors of Genocide Watch, USA
Advisor to the European Center for the Study of Extremism, Cambridge, UK

In China, Big Brother Moves Into Uighur Homes

November 30, 2018 1:22 AM

  • Associated Press

Halmurat Idris holds up a picture of his elder sister, Aug. 24, 2018, at his home in Istanbul, Turkey. Idris says his sisters were monitored as part of a government homestay program, part of a broader crackdown on religious expression in China's far western region of Xinjiang.
Halmurat Idris holds up a picture of his elder sister, Aug. 24, 2018, at his home in Istanbul, Turkey. Idris says his sisters were monitored as part of a government homestay program, part of a broader crackdown on religious expression in China’s far western region of Xinjiang.



The two women in the photograph were smiling, but Halmurat Idris knew something was terribly wrong.

One was his 39-year-old sister; standing at her side was an elderly woman Idris did not know. Their grins were tight-lipped, mirthless. Her sister had posted the picture on a social media account along with a caption punctuated by a smiley face.

“Look, I have a Han Chinese mother now!” his sister wrote.

Idris knew instantly: The old woman was a spy, sent by the Chinese government to infiltrate his family.

Spies in their homes

There are many like her. According to the ruling Communist Party’s official newspaper, as of the end of September, 1.1 million local government workers have been deployed to ethnic minorities’ living rooms, dining areas and Muslim prayer spaces, not to mention at weddings, funerals and other occasions once considered intimate and private.

All this is taking place in China’s far west region of Xinjiang, home to the predominantly Muslim, Turkic-speaking Uighurs, who have long reported discrimination at the hands of the country’s majority Han Chinese.

While government notices about the “Pair Up and Become Family” program portray it as an affectionate cultural exchange, Uighurs living in exile in Turkey said their loved ones saw the campaign as a chilling intrusion into the only place that they once felt safe.

They believe the program is aimed at coercing Uighurs into living secular lives like the Han majority. Anything diverging from the party’s prescribed lifestyle can be viewed by authorities as a sign of potential extremism.

FILE - An Uighur woman rests near a cage protecting heavily armed Chinese paramilitary policemen on duty in Urumqi in China's northwestern region of Xinjiang, May 1, 2014. Uighur homeland has been blanketed with stifling surveillance, from armed checkpoints on street corners to facial-recognition-equipped CCTV cameras steadily surveying passers-by.
FILE – An Uighur woman rests near a cage protecting heavily armed Chinese paramilitary policemen on duty in Urumqi in China’s northwestern region of Xinjiang, May 1, 2014. Uighur homeland has been blanketed with stifling surveillance, from armed checkpoints on street corners to facial-recognition-equipped CCTV cameras steadily surveying passers-by.

Stifling surveillance

Under Chinese President Xi Jinping, the Uighur homeland has been blanketed with stifling surveillance, from armed checkpoints on street corners to facial-recognition-equipped CCTV cameras steadily surveying passers-by. Now, Uighurs say, they must live under the watchful eye of the ruling Communist Party even inside their own homes.

“The government is trying to destroy that last protected space in which Uighurs have been able to maintain their identity,” said Joanne Smith Finley, an ethnographer at England’s Newcastle University.

The Associated Press spoke to five Uighurs living in Istanbul who shared the experiences of their family members in Xinjiang who have had to host Han Chinese civil servants. These accounts are based on prior communications with their family members, the majority of whom have since cut off contact because Uighurs can be punished for speaking to people abroad.

Uighurs abroad said their loved ones were constantly on edge in their own homes, knowing that any misstep — a misplaced Quran, a carelessly spoken word — could lead to detention or worse. In the presence of these faux relatives, their family members could not pray or wear religious garbs, and the cadres were privy to their every move.

The thought of it — and the sight of his sister, the old woman and their false smiles — made Idris queasy.

“I wanted to throw up,” said the 49-year-old petroleum engineer, shaking his head in disgust.

“The moment I saw the old woman, I thought, ‘Ugh, this person is our enemy.’ If your enemy became your mother, think about it — how would you feel?”

Ablikim Abliz holds up his phone with a photo of his uncle's family with an unknown Han Chinese man in Istanbul, Turkey, Aug. 22, 2018. He later heard that his uncle's front door was boarded up and sealed with police tape, and has not been able to contact him since.
Ablikim Abliz holds up his phone with a photo of his uncle’s family with an unknown Han Chinese man in Istanbul, Turkey, Aug. 22, 2018. He later heard that his uncle’s front door was boarded up and sealed with police tape, and has not been able to contact him since.

Internment camps

Tensions between Muslim minorities and Han Chinese have bubbled over in recent years, resulting in violent attacks pegged to Uighur separatists and a fierce government crackdown on broadly defined “extremism” that has placed as many as 1 million Muslims in internment camps, according to estimates by experts and a human rights group.

Uighurs say the omnipresent threat of being sent to one of these centers, which are described as political indoctrination camps by former detainees, looms large in their relatives’ minds when they are forced to welcome party members into their homes.

Last December, Xinjiang authorities organized a “Becoming Family Week,” which placed more than 1 million cadres in minority households. Government reports on the program gushed about the warm “family reunions,” as public servants and Uighurs shared meals and even beds.

Becoming Family Week turned out to be a test run for a standardized homestay program. The Xinjiang United Front Work Department said in February that government workers should live with their assigned families every two months, for five days at a time.

Not all “Become Family” pairings involve Han Chinese visitors. A Uighur cadre named Gu Li said she regularly pays visits to a Uighur household, staying three to five days at a time.

“We’ve already started calling each other family,” she said in a telephone interview from Xinjiang. “China’s 56 ethnic groups are all one family.”

Gu said civil servants of many ethnicities, Uighur, Han and Kazakh, participate in the program.

All government employees in the region are required to conduct such visits in order to better understand villagers’ needs, according to Gu: “Because we’re always sitting in our offices, we don’t know what they really need. Only through penetrating the masses can we truly serve them.”

Uyghur human rights crisis in East Turkestan demands international response


By Babur Ilchi, November 29 2018 —

Recently, there has been growing media coverage about the treatment of the Uyghur people by the government of China. The Uyghurs are an ethnically Turkic people. Their nation, the Republic of East Turkestan, was annexed in 1949 and is now known as the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, a large province in northwest China. The name Xinjiang means “New Frontier,” an insult to the people who have lived there for thousands of years and a clear statement of what China thinks of the Uyghur people and their homeland.

Currently, over one million Uyghurs have been detained and sent to internment camps designed to ‘re-educate’ those who China deems undesirables. The education provided consists of reciting and memorizing statements praising the Communist Party of China and current President Xi Jinping. It also includes denouncing the Uyghur culture and religion. Uyghurs are a traditionally Muslim people and China has used the War on Terrorism as a cover in order to slowly dismantle what civil rights the Uyghurs had in occupied Xinjiang. In addition, survivors of these camps have described scenes of torture, where inmates are forced to stand for hours on end and recite party slogans, while others are beaten routinely. Uyghurs in these camps have disappeared, only for their family to be told they are dead.

I am an Uyghur. My family immigrated to Canada in 1999, when I was three. Growing up, I didn’t really know about the complexities in East Turkestan and the lives my parents had there. And when I did learn about it, we didn’t really talk about it. There was a general consensus between Uyghurs that staying quiet and not rocking the boat would be the best way to live. To make noise might lead to a crackdown on our families back home.

But it’s clear now that this hasn’t worked. That staying quiet has been the wrong choice to make. Even without doing or saying anything, China has imprisoned our families in camps and in their homes.

Contact between those in East Turkestan and the rest of the world is severely limited. My family hasn’t been able to call, text or see those back home. However, information does get out. We’ve received photos of family and learned that two of my uncles were sent to these camps. Who knows how many families are left wondering where their loved ones are today, fearing that they may be dead or worse. The dismantling of a culture through brainwashing and ‘re-education,’ the destruction of heritage landmarks like Kashgar city, the restriction of travel across cities, the constant surveillance via cameras and officials ‘invited’ to stay in Uyghur homes and the detainment and disappearance of millions of Uyghur people have become commonplace in Xi’s China. What the Chinese government has done in East Turkestan amounts to nothing short of genocide.

There has been a growing international movement among Uyghurs to protest these Chinese injustices. Uyghurs have gathered from across the world to protest and rally against their treatment in East Turkestan. Recently, many of us attended a large protest in Geneva, Switzerland to protest during a United Nations Human Rights Assembly. Local protests in cities across the world have also come together, with groups of 50 or more rallying together.

We all have a common goal now: freedom. Freedom for Uyghurs detained and imprisoned and freedom for the nation of East Turkestan. Freedom from the constant fear and worry that our family abroad is in danger or dead. All we want is peace and an end to the brutal injustice that China is carrying out.

It has become increasingly clear, however, that a small diaspora of Uyghurs across the world cannot directly affect the situation in East Turkestan. China has changed their story about these internment camps repeatedly. At first, they denied their existence entirely. When confronted with indisputable proof, they claimed it was a vocational camp, to train Uyghurs with work skills. Then, they claimed that it was to re-educate those who posed a danger to society. When it was pointed out that these camps were illegal, China promptly changed its law to make them legal. The strategy that China has employed is one of denial and deflection. The questions and concerns of officials and citizens have been met with “no” or “so what?” The increasing influence of China in a geopolitical and economic sense has given them the confidence to take these actions without fear of any retaliation.

The UN and concerned countries like Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States have brought up these allegations only to be swatted down. But to say “we tried” and roll over is not how any country with upstanding morals should act. What the world has shown in the light of these truths is that life has a dollar value and that the lives of those who are under threat of extinction are worth less than a trade deal — or the good graces of China. To say “we tried” implies that the efforts of the tyrannical and evil will succeed. It says that the discomfort of confronting injustice is too much, that it would be easier to turn a blind eye.

The destruction of a people and their culture is not something that anyone can say they tried to stop. It is either stopped or it is not. To stand by as silent witnesses, as simple bystanders, is a complicity in genocide. We cannot say that we learned from the mistakes of the past if we do nothing to correct them now. The moral credibility of the West relies on their stance against evil. If we as a people do nothing, are we any better than the perpetrators?


 Tagged: internationalPersonal EssayUyghur peopleworld affairs

Congress hears testimony on China’s ‘ruthless’ persecution of religious minorities

Beijing’s campaign to suppress religious communities is ‘real, evil, and too horrendous to ignore’ says commission Chair Marco Rubio

  345By Duncan DeAeth,Taiwan News, Staff Writer2018/11/29 17:32

(Image from Uyghur Foundation of the Netherlands)

(Image from Uyghur Foundation of the Netherlands)

TAIPEI (Taiwan News) – On Nov. 28 in Washington D.C., the Congressional-Executive Commission on China (CECC) held a hearing on the Chinese Communist Party’s suppression of religious communities.

The hearing, headed by Senator Marco Rubio and Representative Chris Smith, was focused mainly on the increasingly disturbing reports of persecution against the Uyghur ethnic minority in Xinjiang, as well as suppressive campaigns targeting other religious groups.

Rubio noted the “709 Crackdown” in his opening remarks, observing that it is not only the religious groups being persecuted, but also the organizations and individuals who advocate and petition the Chinese government on behalf of these groups.

Commenting on a survivor’s account of the internment camps and psychological conditioning programs in Xinjiang that may have interned more than a million people, Marco Rubio said the following:

“China’s suppression of religious faith and religious communities is real. It is evil, it is too horrendous to ignore.”

Before the hearing, CECC members reportedly received so much documentary evidence and so many personal statements on the situation in China from survivors and advocates that Rubio said it would take forever to document all of it.

One survivor of the internment camps, Mihrigul Tursun, testified before the CECC that she suffered horrendously when she was arrested for her activism in Xinjiang in 2017. She also said that even in the United States, she continues to be followed and harassed by CCP agents.

Mihrigul Tursun has her testimony read to the CECC (Screen grab from YouTube)

press release from the office of Senator Rubio declared the following.

“In the 21st century, we must not, cannot, and should not, accept the mass internment of individuals based on their religious faith on the basis of their cultural identity; nor can we accept the efforts to stamp out all “unofficial” religious communities in China that maintain as a matter of faith that they do not want to be beholden to the leadership of the Chinese government.”

Rubio correctly observed that Beijing’s suppression of religious groups and ethnic minorities, is out of a desire to stamp out competing ideologies that could threaten the Chinese Communist Party’s monopoly on power in the country.

To accomplish such goals, Rubio declared that CCP has been “extremely ruthless” in their attempts to strip the native people in regions like Xinjiang and Tibet of their very identities.

Recently, fifteen diplomatic envoys to China sent a letter of concern with a petition to the Chinese Communist party in Xinjiang, in response to international outcry over the brutal martial law and forced internment of Uyghurs.

The full CECC hearing entitled “The Communist Party’s Crackdown on Religion in China” can be viewed below.UyghurXinjiangreligionChinaTibetMarco RubioCECCWashington


Undercover in einem chinesischen “ Umerziehungslager“- Uncovers Details of a Uigurland Camp in China

Erst kürzlich hatte Chinas Aussenminister Wang Yi Kritik an den Umerziehungslagern  in der chinesischen Provinz Xinjiang zurückgewiesen. Doch jetzt ist es gelungen, Filmmaterial aus den Umerziehungslagern herauszuschmuggeln. Die von der chinesischen Regierung in Xinjiang errichteten “ Umerziehungslager “ waren immer sehr geheimnisvoll und ihre wahre Bedeutung wurde verschwiegen. Die aktuellen Aufnahmen von Gebäuden innerhalb und außerhalb des Lager sind schrecklich und beunruhigend. Es macht aber auch deutlich, wohin Menschen einfach spurlos verschwinden. Der ausgezeichnete Fotograf Lu Guang wollte einen Freund in Sichuan besuchen, kam aber nie an. Seine Frau hat seit vier Wochen kein Lebenszeichen erhalten. Auf seinen Fotos hatte Lu Guang Umweltverschmutzung, die Ausbeutung von Arbeitern, von Aids geplagten Dörfern und den illegalen Import von afrikanischem Holz gezeigt. Bei seiner Reise in die Provinz Xinjiang verschwand er spurlos. Die aktuellen Bilder zeigen jetzt, was die chinesische Regierung unter angeblichen „Berufsschulen“  wirklich verstehen.

Reporter schlichen sich in das Xinjiang Umerziehungslager

Während China bei der Behauptung bleibt, dass es sich bei den Lagern um „Schulen“ handeln soll, besuchte ein Reporter heimlich das neue große Lager in Yining, Xinjiang, und bewies, dass dies zweifellos ein Gefängnis ist.

Eingebettetes Video

China has incarcerated roughly one million Muslims in Xinjiang in “political education” camps for offenses as minor as having a beard.

Read the report from @CSISHumanRights here: …

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Am 6. November führte der Menschenrechtsrat der Vereinten Nationen seine allgemeine regelmäßige Überprüfung Chinas durch. Mehrere Länder prangerten die „Bildungslager“ an, insbesondere die für Uiguren in Xinjiang , als Orte, an denen die Insassen psychischem Druck, unmenschliche Behandlungen und Folter ausgesetzt sind. China antwortete, dass es sich lediglich um „Bildungseinrichtungen“ handelt. Die Gruppe Bitter Winter hat wiederholt dokumentiert, dass dies nicht der Fall ist und ist jetzt in der Lage, zu beweisen, dass es sich um ein  „Umerziehungslager“ handelt.

Das China es mit den Menschenrechten nicht so genau nimmt, zeigen auch die Hinrichtungen. Es wird als großes Spektakel gefeiert. Als 18 Menschen hingerichtet wurden, rannten die Familienangehörigen weinend im Stadion zu den Fahrzeugen, die die Verurteilten zum Hinrichtungsplatz brachten. Die genaue Zahl der Hinrichtungen in China ist nicht bekannt. Es werden etwa 2000 Hinrichtungen im Jahr geschätzt. Es hält aber Europa nicht davon ab, mit China große Geschäfte zu machen, oder das China in Europa eigene Städte errichten kann. Kürzlich hatte die Menschenrechtsorganisation Amnesty International von Peking Aufklärung über das Schicksal hunderttausend Inhaftierter gefordert. Was aber China wenig interessieren dürfte. Auch als es 2016 hieß: Chinas Säuberungswelle gegen Religionsgemeinschaften hat begonnen , sogar gegen Christen, interessierte es niemanden, nicht einmal den Vatikan.

Umso mehr sollte es interessieren, wie es in den vielen „Umerziehungslagern“ in China aussieht und das ist jetzt gelungen. Das von der chinesischen Regierung in Xinjiang errichtete “ Umerziehungslager “ war immer sehr geheimnisvoll und es ist schwierig für die Außenwelt, ihre wahre Bedeutung zu erkennen. Kürzlich haben sich Reporter in ein neues Umerziehungslager geschlichen. Überall gab es Überwachungskameras und Einrichtungen, die die persönliche Freiheit einschränken. Was sie vorfanden, waren Gefängnisse. In den letzten Jahren hat die chinesische Regierung in Xinjiang eine Reihe von “ Umerziehungslagern “ eingerichtet.

Die Stadt Yining in Xinjiang war ursprünglich ein offenes Gelände und diente als Schießstand für das Milizentraining. Nun wurde hier ein Lager zur „Transformation durch Bildung“ errichtet. Das Camp ist riesig und umfasst vier Gebäudekomplexe mit einer Grundfläche von etwa 110.000 Quadratmetern. Das Camp kann mehrere tausend Menschen aufnehmen.

Im Mai 2018 begannen Behörden in Xinjiang ein neues Lager für  „Transformation durch Bildung“ zu errichten. Dort wo eins eine Sägemühle stand. Hier gab es auch einen Markt für den Kauf und Verkauf von Rindern und Schafen. In drei Monaten war der Bau dieses Lagers  abgeschlossen und umfasst eine Fläche von etwa 100.000 Quadratmetern.

Bereits im September 2018 wurden Uiguren im Lager eingesperrt. Am 7. September führten die Behörden ein öffentliches Gerichtsverfahren gegen die dortigen Gefangenen durch. Das Lager ist jetzt stark bewacht, allein am Eingang befinden sich 15 hochauflösende Kameras. Bewaffnete Polizeibeamte bewachen den Eingang. Fahrzeuge, die in das Lager einfahren, müssen zwei Einfahrten passieren und dürfen nur nach einer Sicherheitskontrolle einfahren.

Die KPCh-Beamten haben immer bestritten, dass Millionen Uiguren inhaftiert worden sind. Sie sollen willkürlich in Lagern festgehalten werden.

Die chinesische Regierung gibt zu, einige „Berufsschulen“ eingerichtet zu haben. wie sie es nennen,  um die „Transformation“ einiger „von extremen Gedanken betroffenen Menschen“ zu erziehen.

Ein Reporter von Bitter Winter, einer Mediengruppe, die häufig über die Verfolgung verschiedener Religionen in China berichtet, gelang es im August 2018 das „Umerziehungslager“ in  Xinjiang  zu besuchen. Als sich die Gelegenheit bot, in ein Lager zu schleichen, welches sich im Bau befindet und noch nicht eröffnet wurde, konnten sie Aufnahmen machen, die sie jetzt veröffentlichten.

Lager für Uiguren, „Schulen“ oder Gefängnisse? Exklusiver Bericht, Fotos und Filmmaterial

Der Film von der Undercover-Mission wurde am 26.November 2018 auf YouTube hochgeladen. Es wird gezeigt, dass überall Kameras im neu errichteten Lager installiert wurden. Alle Fenster des Gebäudes sind, wie im Gefängnis mit Fingerdicke Stangen vergittert. Und damit die inhaftierten Menschen nicht fliehen können, wurden alle Vorkehrungen,  wie in einem Gefängnis getroffen.

 Lügen der chinesischen Behörden über die Lager für „Transformation durch Bildung“ entlarvt

In einem Interview sprach ein Mitarbeiter einer solchen Internierungseinrichtung in Xinjiang über die Behandlung der  Inhaftierten, die Art und Weise nach der sie eingeteilt werden und die miserable Lebensbedingungen.

Die Familienmitglieder der Häftlinge, die an der öffentlichen Gerichtsverhandlung teilnehmen, stehen außerhalb des Umerziehungslagers und warten darauf, geladen zu werden

Die Familienmitglieder der Häftlinge, die an der öffentlichen Gerichtsverhandlung teilnehmen, stellen sich außerhalb der Umgestaltung im Bildungslager auf und warten darauf, geladen zu werden.

Liu war zuvor in einer öffentlichen Organisation angestellt und wurde Anfang des Jahres in ein Lager in Xinjiang versetzt . Gegen seinen Willen ist er heute einer von fast 2.000 Mitarbeitern. Während des Interviews nannte er die Leute im Lager „Studenten“, bezeichnete seinen Arbeitsplatz jedoch mehrfach als „Gefängnis“.

„Zu viele Leute sind hier eingesperrt und wir sind zu wenig Arbeitskräfte. Unsere wechselnden Ruhetage werden oft gestrichen, und wir können selten Pausen machen. Ich weiß nicht, wie lange dieser enorme Druck noch anhalten wird.

Herr Liu enthüllte, dass jedes Lager eine Quote von Häftlingen hat, die es erfüllen muss. Wenn die Quote nicht mit Uiguren erfüllt wird , werden die Han-Chinesen mit religiösen Überzeugungen abgeholt.

„Die derzeitige Politik besteht darin,“ alle zuzulassen, die zugelassen werden sollten. “ Fast alle Uiguren in meinem Bezirk wurden festgenommen. Es gibt niemanden, der das Land bewirtschaftet oder sich um Kinder kümmert “, sagte Liu. Eine örtliche Mittelschule wurde kürzlich wegen Überfüllung in ein anderes Lager umgewandelt. Es enthält derzeit viele Uiguren.

In dem Lager, in dem Herr Liu arbeitet, sind die uigurischen Häftlinge in vier Überwachungsebenen unterteilt: milde, gewöhnliche, strenge und erzwungene.

Die erzwungene „Klasse“ besteht fast ausschließlich aus Uiguren und Huis, während die Han-Chinesen meist in die „übliche Aufsicht“  fallen.

„Diejenigen, die in den Aufsichtskursen des Lagers sitzen, sind wie Gefangene, die in Haftanstalten schwere Haftstrafen verbüßen“, sagte Liu. „Nachdem sie„ reformiert “wurden, werden sie in die strenge Aufsichtskategorie geschickt. Diejenigen, die bestanden haben, werden in die gewöhnliche Klasse geschickt und schließlich in die milde Klasse. “

Die Einstufung der „Studenten“ wird festgelegt, nachdem das sogenannte „Screeningteam“ regelmäßig Bewertungen durchführt. Das Team prüft zum Beispiel, ob die Leute eine „Reueerklärung“ unterzeichnet oder ihre „Schuld“ eingestanden haben.

Diejenigen, die eine „gute“ Beurteilung erhalten, können in eine Klasse mit weniger strenger Aufsicht geschickt werden, während diejenigen, die dies nicht tun, in ein Haftzentrum gebracht werden. „Die Situation ist dieses Jahr angespannt. Die meisten Menschen, die in Haftanstalten geschickt werden, werden zu mindestens fünf Jahren Gefängnis verurteilt. Einige werden zu 30 Jahren Haft verurteilt, was im Wesentlichen einer lebenslangen Haft entspricht “, fügt Liu hinzu.

Die uigurischen Häftlinge müssen Mandarin lernen und die Klassen sind in drei Stufen unterteilt: Anfänger, Mittelstufe und Fortgeschrittene.

Die Häftlinge werden in den Lagern oft körperlich und verbal angegriffen. Angesichts des miserablen Lebens in ihrem Inneren sind sie oft bereit, alles zu tun, um ihre Familienmitglieder zu sehen. Die Behörden verwenden dies jedoch als Druckmittel.

Hat ein Häftling beispielsweise bei der monatlichen Beurteilung mindestens 95 von 100 Punkten erreicht, kann er sich in diesem Monat mit seiner Familien treffen. Um sicherzustellen, dass dies geschieht, müssen die Häftlinge alles tun, was gesagt wird. „Sie müssen sitzen, stehen, baden, schlafen und essen, wie befohlen. Auf diese Weise wird die Mehrheit der „Studenten“ vollständig kontrolliert. “

Liu Guang sagte, dass die Verfahren, um eine Erlaubnis zum vorübergehenden Verlassen des Lagers zu erhalten, äußerst komplex sind und die Zustimmung aller Führungsebenen erfordern. Selbst wenn jemand seine Familie besuchen darf, wird er von Sicherheitskräften und anderem Personal begleitet und muss innerhalb von zwei bis drei Stunden ins Lager zurückkehren.

Herr Liu, der in der Zone der erzwungenen Aufsicht arbeitet, teilte mit, dass er, obwohl er nur wenig Kontakt mit den „Studenten“ hat, zu jeder Zeit voll bewaffnet sein muss. In den Räumlichkeiten muss er stichsichere Kleidung und einen Schlagstock tragen. Wenn er draußen ist, muss er einen Helm aufsetzen. Wenn er sich nicht an diese Regeln hält, wird er mit 500 RMB (72 USD) bestraft.

Er sprach über seine persönliche Lage und sagte: „Wir haben auch keine Freiheit. Wenn wir Frei haben, haben wir das Gefühl, als wären wir auch aus der Haft entlassen worden. Wann immer es wieder zurück geht, fühlt es sich sehr deprimierend an. “

Jeder Mitarbeiter des Lagers soll 1.000 RMB monatliche Lebensmittelzulage erhalten; Sie haben das Geld jedoch seit fünf Monaten nicht bekommen. Laut Liu Guang wurden in einigen Regierungsabteilungen in Xinjiang auch in den letzten Monaten keine Gehälter gezahlt, was auf die finanziellen Zwänge der KPCh hinweist . „Vielleicht hat die Regierung ihr gesamtes Geld für die Aufrechterhaltung der Stabilität ausgegeben“, beendete Herr Liu das Interview mit einem traurigen Scherz.

Arbeiter justieren und testen Maschinen in einer großen Fabrik.

Damit die Häftlinge arbeiten können – Arbeiter justieren und testen Maschinen in einer großen Fabrik.

Ende August waren die Vereinten Nationen schockiert, als sie die Nachricht erhielten, dass “ Millionen Uiguren in Xinjiang festgehalten werden“, und forderten die chinesische Regierung auf, diejenigen, die unter dem Vorwand des Terrorismus inhaftiert waren, ohne Gerichtsverfahren freizulassen.

Ende September 2018 sollen etwa 300.000 Menschen an Orte wie Gansu und Nordostchina verlegt worden sein. Es wird spekuliert, dass die KPCh Uiguren und Kasachen aus den bereits bekannten „Umerziehungslagern“ verlegt haben, um die Zwangshaft einer großen Anzahl ethnischer Minderheiten zu verschleiern.

Lu Guangs Fotos zeigte die Schattenseite Chinas, jetzt ist er spurlos verschwunden.

Der bekannte chinesische Fotograf ist nach Angaben seiner Frau vor fast vier Wochen bei einer Reise in die Provinz  Xinjiang verschwunden. Sie habe seit Anfang November nichts mehr von ihrem Mann Lu Guang gehört, sagte Xu Xiaoli der Nachrichtenagentur AFP. Berichten zufolge soll er festgenommen worden sein. Lu, der in den USA lebt und mehrere renommierte Preise gewonnen hat, war nach Angaben seiner Frau als Tourist nach Xinjiang gereist, um sich mit Fotografen zu treffen und Seminare zu geben. Am Abend des 3. November sei der Kontakt zu ihrem Mann in der Provinzhauptstadt Urumqi abgebrochen, sagte Xu in New York. Lu hatte demnach vor, am 5. November weiter in die Provinz Sichuan zu reisen, um einen Freund zu treffen. Dort kam er aber nie an.Bild auf Twitter anzeigen

Bild auf Twitter anzeigen

#China: Der preisgekrönte #Fotograf Lu Guang wird seit 3.11. vermisst. Er war nach #Xinjiang gereist, um sich mit lokalen Fotografen zu treffen. Er soll von Sicherheitskräften festgenommen worden sein. Wir fordern seine Freilassung! …

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Sie habe später von einem Freund gehört, dass ihr Mann von der chinesischen Staatssicherheit festgenommen worden und in die Stadt Kashgar gebracht worden sei, schrieb Xu im Onlinedienst Twitter. Die Behörden in Lus Heimatstadt Yongkang in der Provinz Zhejiang hätten ihr diese Angaben bestätigt.

Chinas Regierung hat die international umstrittenen Umerziehungslager für Muslime in Xinjiang(CHN) verteidigt. «Es hilft, die soziale Stabilität und das Wohlergehen aller ethnischen Gruppen in Xinjiang zu wahren, wenn Terrorismus bekämpft und verhindert wird sowie Massnahmen gegen Extremismus ergriffen werden», sagte der Sprecher des Aussenministeriums, Lu Kang, vor der Presse in Peking. Er wehrte sich gegen Einmischung sowie «Lügen und falsche Anschuldigungen» aus dem Ausland.

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Shwétsiyelik tetqiqatchilar Uyghur medeniyitini qoghdashni telep qildi


Shiwétsiyediki  upsala uniwérsitétida échilghan "Ottura asiyadiki Uyghurlar" namliq ilmiy muhakime yighinining wereqisi. 2018-Yili 24-noyabir. Upsala, shiwétsiye.

Shiwétsiyediki upsala uniwérsitétida échilghan “Ottura asiyadiki Uyghurlar” namliq ilmiy muhakime yighinining wereqisi. 2018-Yili 24-noyabir. Upsala, shiwétsiye.

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Awazni köchürüsh

Upsala uniwérsitéti shiwétsiyening nopuzluq uniwérsitétlirining biri. Mezkur uniwérsitétning türkologiye fakultéti 24‏-noyabir küni “Ottura asiyada Uyghurlar” dégen témida ilmiy muhakime yighini ötküzgen bolup, yighinda nöwettiki weziyette éghir xirisqa duch kéliwatqan Uyghur tili we medeniyitini qoghdashning zörürlüki tekitlen’gen.

Yighinda shiwétsiyening türkologiye tetqiqat sahesidiki nopuzluq mutexessisler, Uyghur edebiyati we sen’et sahesidiki zatlar Uyghurlarning tili, medeniyiti, sen’iti, tarixiy, shwétsiye muzéyliridiki Uyghurlargha a’it wesiqiler, Uyghur tébabetchiliki, shwét misyonérlirining qeshqerdiki pa’aliyiti, Uyghur shé’iriyiti we Uyghur sha’irlirining hazirqi weziyiti qatarliq témilarda ilmiy maqalilerni sun’ghan hem bu sahelerde etrapliq muhakime élip barghan. 

Upsala uniwérsitétining doktor aspiranti, Uyghurshunas patrik xalzon yighinda maqale oqughan Uyghurshunaslarning biri. U seyshenbe küni ziyaritimizni qobul qilghanda bu yighinning nishani shwétsiye jem’iyitining Uyghur tarixi, Uyghur medeniyiti we Uyghur rayonida yüz bériwatqan ishlargha diqqitini qozghashni meqset qilghanliqini bildürdi. Uning ilgiri sürüshiche, Uyghurlarning nöwettiki weziyiti bek échinishliq bolup, uning meqsiti bir tetqiqatchi süpitidila emes, belki bir shexs süpitide dunyagha bu rayonda boluwatqan ishlarni bildürüshken. 

Patrik xalzon mundaq deydu: “Men bu rayonda yüz bériwatqan ishlarni bek échinishliq hés qiliwatimen we uningdin endishe qiliwatimen. Lékin biz bir tetqiqatchi bolush süpitide shundaqla bir shexs süpitide biz qilalaydighan ish, Uyghur xelqige qarita néme ishlarning boluwatqanliqini dunyagha bildürüsh we buninggha inkas bildürüshtur. Biz bu rayonda néme ishlarni boluwatqanliqini xewerlerde körüwatimiz. Bu rayonda yüz bériwatqan ishlar heqiqeten qorqunchluq”. 

Patrik xalzonning Uyghur tetqiqatidiki asasliq qiziqish sahesi Uyghur klassik wesiqiler, bolupmu klassik wesiqilerdiki Uyghur milliy tébabetchilikige da’ir matériyallardur. Emma patrik xalzonning tetqiqat obyékti hazir Uyghur rayonida “Diniy ashqunluq” yaki “Bölgünchilik” ke yatidighan xeterlik sahege aylinip qaldi. Kishilik hoquq teshkilatlirining ilgiri sürüshiche, xitay hökümiti Uyghur medeniyiti, sen’iti, tili, tarixiy, diniy étiqadi we insanshunasliq tetqiqat sahesidiki Uyghur ziyaliylirini birdek tutqun qilip, yighiwélish lagérlirigha qamighan yaki qamaq jazalirigha höküm qilghan. 

Patrik xalzon bu qétimqi yighinda “En’eniwi Uyghur tébabetchiliki” dégen témida doklat bergen. Patrik xalzon özining en’eniwi Uyghur tébabetchilik wesiqilirigha qizip qélishidiki sewebler heqqide toxtilip mundaq dédi: “Men burun mazar, tawapgahlarning tetqiqati bilen shughullan’ghan. Lékin, kéyinrek barghanche shwétsiyede saqliniwatqan Uyghur klassik wesiqilirige bekrek qiziqip qaldim. Chünki, bizde Uyghur tarixiy we medeniyitige da’ir nurghun yazma we étnografiyelik wesiqilerning yighmisi bar. Shunga, siz shwétsiyede turup Uyghur tarixiy heqqide nurghun tetqiqatlarni élip baralaysiz. Bashqilarning bizdiki yighma matériyallar heqqide qanchilik xewiri barliqini bilmeymen. Emma biz sherqiy türklerge a’it yighmilarda dunyadiki üchinchi dölet.” 

Bu qétimqi yighinda yene, upsala uniwérsitétidiki xitayshunas proféssori yo’akim enwal “Shinjangdiki az sanliq milletlerning til ehwali”, sitokholm uniwérsitéti merkizi asiya tetqiqat programmisining tetqiqatchisi, proféssor birgit shéltér “Gunnar yaringning til tetqiqati”, upsala uniwérsitétining hindi-yawropa tilliri tetqiqatchisi, proféssor laslo korali “Qedimki yipek yolidiki Uyghurlar”, swén hédin fondi jem’iyitining mes’uli xokan wolkust “Shwétsiye muzéyidiki qeshqer yighmiliri” dégen témilarda, shwétsiyediki Uyghur ressam nijat hoshur “Shinjangning sen’et qurulush türidiki tejribiler”, Uyghur ziyaliysi, sha’ir abdushükür memet “Uyghur shé’iriyiti” dégen témilarda doklat bergen. 

Ressam nijat hoshur seyshenbe küni ziyaritimizni qobul qilip, özining yighinda sözligen doklatini tonushturdi. U yighinda özining Uyghur rayonidiki tuyuq ghojam yézisida Uyghur balilirining sen’et tepekkürini algha sürüsh qurulush türini sinaq qilip érishken tejribilirini sözligen. 

Nijat hoshur mundaq dédi: “Men peqet özümning tejribilirini sözlep berdim. Özümning bérip-kélip turghan waqitlirimda biz xelqimizge gherbning erkinlik idiyisini yetküzimiz, özümmu bérip kichik türni qilghan, balilargha qedimki budda resimlirini körsitip, shu usulni özining hazirqi turmushi bilen baghlap, balilarning yéngiliq yaritish rohini kücheytken, bu, nahayiti obdan bolghan, lékin, 2016‏-yilning axirigha kelgende alaqe üzüldi, hazir héchqandaq alaqe yoq, dep ulargha sözlep berdim”.

Yighinda abdushükür memet Uyghurlarning erkinlik küreshlirige taki hazirgha qeder ilham bolup kéliwatqan 20‏-esirdiki 3 Uyghur sha’irining “Oyghan”, “Yillargha jawab”, “Iz” namliq shé’irini shwétchigha terjime qilip bergen. U seyshenbe küni muxbirimizgha qilghan sözide, yighinning mezmuni tarix, medeniyet, til qatarliq sahelerge chétilsimu, emma uning eng axirqi nuqtisi Uyghur ziyaliylirining bügünki qismetlirige bérip taqalghanliqi” ni bildürdi. 

Abdushükür memet mundaq deydu: “Yighinning omumi ehwali nahayiti yaxshi ötti. Omumiy mezmuni tarix, siyaset, til, medeniyet, edebiyat qatarliq her xil sahelerge chétilghan bolsimu, emma uning eng axirqi nuqtisi, Uyghurlarning bügünki tartiwatqan zulumi, bilim ademlirining hazirqi qismetlirige bérip taqaldi”.

Upsala uniwérsitétining doktor aspirant patrik xalzonning ilgiri sürüshiche, 24‏-noyabir ötküzülgen Uyghurlar heqqidiki bu yighinning yene bir meqsiti bu sahesidiki xelq’ara tetqiqatchilarning Uyghur rayonidiki lagérlarni derhal taqash toghrisida chiqarghan chaqiriqigha awaz qoshushken. 

U mundaq deydu: “Bu yerde yene shinjangdin endishe qiliwatqan tetqiqatchilarning élan qilghan chaqiriqigha da’ir uchurlar bar. Uningda xelq’ara jem’iyetning mezkur rayondiki qilmishlarni derhal toxtitishi telep qilin’ghan. Shübhisizki bu yighin mezkur chaqiriqini diqqetke aldi”. 

Upsala uniwérsitétidiki yighinda yene Uyghur sen’etkarlar sen’et nomurlirini körsetken. Buningda 2017‏-yili tutqun qilinip, qamaq jazasigha höküm qilin’ghanliqi ilgiri sürülüwatqan ataqliq muzikant we naxshichi abduréhim héytning shagirti muxter abdukérim, shwétsiyediki yene bir Uyghur sen’etchi mirkamil türkel özhal muqamini orundap bergen.

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