SHERQIY TÜRKISTAN JUMHURIYITI ASASI QANUNI

Monday, December 28, 2009

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SHERQIY TÜRKISTAN JUMHURIYITI ASASI QANUNI
Birinchi Bölüm

Dölet ismi, Dölet Tüzümi, Dölet Bayriqi, Dölet Giribi, Istiqlal Marshi, Milli Marshi, Dölet Tili, Dölet Dini we Paytexti

1- Madda: Dölet Ismi: Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti, dunyadiki milletler we xeliqler özlirining tillirida Sherqiy Türkistan  dégen isimni öz tillirigha uyghun shekilde terjime qilip ishletsimu we yaki Uyghuristan dep éniq atisimu bolidu.Meselen Türükchide Dogu Türkistan….Üzbekche we Germanchide Uyghuristan.

2-Madda: Dölet Tüzümi démokratiye we kishilik hoquqqa hörmet qilidighan, ijtima’i, demokratik bir pütün hoquq dölitidur. Sherqiy Türkistan dölitining zimin pütünligini, millitining birligini parcilashqa bolmaydu we yol qoyulmaydu.

3-Madda: Dölet bayrighi Ay-yultuzluq kök bayraqdur. (Qoshumche resim A gha qarang)

4-Madda: Dölet Giribi, hilal ayning ong teripide toqquz we sol teripide toqquz dane noqta bolup, bu noqtilarning, hilal ayning eng töwen qismidiki uchliri bughuch bilen baghlan’ghan. Hilal ayning otturisida hösnixet bilen yezilghan “Bismillahhirrahmanirrahim”, hilal ayning ikki uchining uchrishidighan yeride üch dane yultuzdin teshkil tapqan bir shekildin ibarettur. (Qoshumche B ge qarang)

Belgüler, Sherqiy Türkistan yashawatqan tört chong Türki xeliqlerning simwolidur. Üch yultuz bolsa tarixta Sherqiy Türkistan qurulghan Kök Türk dewliti, Uyghur  Emparaturluqi, we Qaraxanilar dewletlirining simwolidur.

5-Madda: Döletning Istiqlal we Milliy Marshi,Milliy Qesimi

Döletning Istiqlal Marshi,1933-yili Memtili Ependi (Tewpiq) teripidin yezilip, Sherqiy Türkistanliqlar teripidin oqulghan “Qurtulush Yolida” namliq she’iridur. Döletning milliy marshi yene Memtili ependining “Tarixtin Ewwel Biz Iduq, Tarixtin Songre Yene Biz” digen she’iridur. (Qoshumche C we D ge qarang)

6-Madda: Dölet Tili, Dini we Paytexti

Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyitining dölet tili-Uyghur türkchisidur. Qazaq türkchisi bilen Qirghiz türkchisi milliy til qatarida qollinilidu.

Dini: Islamdur.Dölet bashqa dinlarnimu hörmet qilidu, qoghdaydu, herxil diniy hoquqlargha kapaletlik qilidu.

Döletning paytexti: Ürümchi.

7-Madda: Asasi Qanunning yuqurda yezilghan birinchi, ikkinchi, üchinchi, tötinchi, beshinchi we altinchi maddilliri herqandaq shara’itta özgertilmeydu we özgertishke teshebbus qilinmaydu.

Ikkinchi Bölüm Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyitining Sürgündiki Hökümiti

8 – Madda: 2004-yili 14-sentebirde Amerika Qoshma Shitatlirining paytexti Washin’gitonda qurulghan Sürgündiki Sherqiy Türkistan Hökümiti-wetinimiz tajawuzchi Xitay kommunist hakimiyitining qolidin azat bolghan’gha qeder Sherqiy Türkistan xelqighe wakaliten hoquq yürgüzidighan, Sherqiy TürkistanJumhuriyitige wekillik qilidighan birdin bir hoquqluq organ bolup hesaplinidu.

9-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti Sürgündiki Hökümitining asasi wezipisi-dunyadiki barliq demokratiyini, heqqaniyetni, tenchliqni söyidighan, kishilik hoquqqa hörmet qilidighan döletler, Birleshken Döletler Teshkilati bashchilighidiki barliq xelq’ara teshkilatlar, xelq’aradiki kishilik hoquq organliri bilen hemkarliship, ularning yardimini qolgha keltürüp,Sherqiy Türkistan xelqini tajawuzchi kommunist Xitay hakimiyiti yürgüziwatqan dölet terrorizimigha qarshi küreshke teshkillep, wetinimiz Sherqiy Türkistanning musteqilliqini qolgha keltürüshtin ibaret.

10-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti Sürgündiki Hökümitining ministirliri bash ministirning qol astida Ministirlar kabineti bolup teshkillinidu. Ministirlar kabinetida hökümet programmilirigha xilapliq qilghan ministirlar üch qetim agahlandurilidu. Bu agahlandurushlargha etibar qilmighan teqdirde ministirlar kabinetining qarari we dölet reisining testiqi bilen bash minister teripidin kabinettin chiqirilidu.

11-Madda: Hökümetning ministirlar kabeniti yilda bir yaki ikki qetim yighilish ötküzüp, hökümet programmilirining ijra qilinish ehwalidin bash ministir we kabenitqa doklat sunidu we hökümet programmilirini emeliyleshtürüshning chare-tedbirlirini muzakire qilip bekitidu.

Xitay bilen siyasi we iqtisadi munasiwiti bolghan herqandaq Sherqiy Türkistanni parlament ezasi we ministir qilip saylashqa bolmaydu. Parlament we hökümet ezalirining wezipe ötewatqan muddet ichide herqanadaq sewep bilen Xitaygha, Xitay mustemlikisi astidiki dölet we rayonlargha berishi men’i qilinidu.

Üchinchi Bölüm Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyitining Parlament Saylimi we Wetendashliq

12-Madda: Parlament özige bir re’is, bir mua’win re’is, bir bash katip, ikki katipni parlament ezaliri ichidin töt yilliq muddet üchün üchte ikki awaz bilen saylap chiqidu. Parlament ezalirining tekliwi bilen qanunlashqan we herqaysi rayonlardin demokratik usulda saylan’ghan wekillerdin teshkillen’gen Parlament alahide ehwallardin sirt her töt yilning birinchi yilining 11-ayning 10- küni echilip, tötinchi yilining 11-ayning 11-küni axirlishidu. Parlament bu asasi qanunning 17-, 18-, 19- maddilirigha asasen parlament ezalirini saylap chiqip Parlamentni wujutqa keltüridu. 11-ayning 12- küni saylan’ghan parlament ezaliri qesem berip wezipe tapshurup alidu. Yengi Parlamentning wujutqa kelishi, hoquqliri we eza sani qurghuchi tunji parlamentning belgilimilirini asas qilidu.

13-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyitining ichide yurtning ishghal qilinishigha chetishliq bolghan, düshmen’ge yaki yurtni ishghal qilghuchilargha yardem bergen, ulargha qolayliq yaritip bergenligi sezilgen herqandaq kishining Parlament ezaliqigha saylinishigha yol qoyulmaydu.

14-Madda: Döletning ishghal qilinishi bilen munasiwiti bolmighan, düshmenlerge yaki tajawuzchilargha yardem bermigen, ularni qoghdap qalmighan, Sherqiy Türkistanda tughulghan, yette ejdadighiche Uyghuristanda yashighan herqandaq kishi Uyghuristanliq hesaplinidu. Sherqiy Türkistanning sirtida özini Sherqiy Türkistanliq dep hesaplighan, Sherqiy Türkistanni ana wetinim dep qobul qilghan herqandaq muhajir Sherqiy Türkistanning tebi’i wetendishidur.

Tötinchi Bölüm Parlament Ezaliri

15-Madda:Parlament saylan’ghan parlament ezaliridin teshkil qilinidu. Parlament ezalirini 18 yashtin ashqan herbir Sherqiy Türkistan wetendishi, jinsiy perqige qarimay demokratik usullar bilen awaz berish arqiliq saylap chiqidu.
16-Madda: Esker we saqchilarni wezipe ötewatqan muddet ichide parlament ezaliqigha saylashqa bolmaydu. Emma, saylam mezgilidin az digende üch ay burun istipa berish sherti bilen saylash we saylinish hoquqigha ige bolalaydu.

17-Madda: Dölet ichide her 60 ming nopustin bir parlament ezasi saylinidu. Sürgündiki Parlament üchün parlament ezaliri yashawatqan döletlerdiki Sherqiy Türkistanning nopus sanigha we ularning emili ehwaligh asasen, tunji qurghuchi Parlamentning testiqi bilen qanunlashqan belgilimiler boyiche saylinidu. Emma, sürgündiki parlament ezalirining sani 60 kishidin kem bolmaslighi kerek.
18-Madda: Parlament xadimliri parlament re’isi teripidin teyinlinidu.

19-Madda: Parlament ezaliri ichide wapat bolghan yaki herqandaq sewep tüpeylidin wezipisidin ayrilghanlarning ornigha Parlamentning qarari boyiche belgilen’gen muddet ichide shu wekil teweligidiki rayon teripidin parlament ezaliri toluqlap saylinidu. Emma sürgündiki parlamentning ezasi wapat bolghan yaki istipa bergen teqdirde, shu parlament ezasi turushluq dölettiki Sherqiy Türkistanliqlar ichidin toluqlap saylinidu.

Beshinchi Bölüm Qanunlar we Qararlar

20-Madda: Barliq qanunlar parlament teripidin tüzüp chiqilidu. Bu qanunlar üchte ikki awaz bilen maqullinidu. Maqullan’ghan qanunlarni hökümet ijra qilidu.

21-Madda: Barliq qararlar hökümet teripidin chiqirilidu. Bash ministir bir yaki ikki ministirni hökümet bayanatchisi qilip teyinleydu.

Altinchi Bölüm Parlament we Dölet Armiyisi

22-Madda: Dölet re’isi dölet armiyisining ali bash qomandanidur.

23-Madda: Tenchliq mezgilliride dölet re’isi teripidin körsitilgen eng tejribilik, abroyluq, dölet armiyisi ichide hörmetke sazawer we ishenchlik bir yuquri derijilik ofitser dölet armiyisige dölet reyisige wakaliten qomandanliq qilidu we bash qomandan qilip teyinlinidu.

24-Madda: Parlament döletning musteqilliqini qoghdash üchün herbi seperwerlik, urush elan qilish, dölet menpe’etini asas qilish sherti astida chet’eller bilen bolidighan shertnamilarni tüzüsh we imzalash hoquqini üchte ikki awaz bilen hökümetke beridu.

Yettinchi Bölüm Dölet Re’isining Saylinishi we Hoquqliri

25-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan musteqilliq dawasigha özini atighan, Sherqiy Türkistan xelqining menpe’eti üchün pidakarliq bilen ishleydighan, ali mektepni tamamlighan, parlament ezasi bolup saylan’ghan, wetendashlar arisida hörmetke sazawer, milliy alahidiliklirini saqlighan, 40 yashqa toshqan Türk neslidin bolghan herqandaq Sherqiy Türkistanliq ichidin saylam arqiliq dölet re’isi saylinidu we saylan’ghan dölet re’isi qesem bilen öz ezipisini tapshurup alidu.(Qoshumche E ke qarang)

26-Madda: Dölet re’isining hoquqliri: Dölet re’isi bash minister namzatini körsitidu, bash ministir teripidin sunulghan hökümet kabinetini testiqlaydu. Ministirlikke teyinlen’gen namzatlarni ispat bilen yenggüshlesh yaki emeldin qaldurush heqqide bash ministirge yazma teklip beridu.

Dölet re’isi kesellik, sayahet yaki bashqa sewepler bilen wezipisini ada qilalmighan waqitlarda, parlament ezasi bolghan mua’win dölet re’isi dölet re’isining salametliki eslige kelgen’ge yaki sayahettin qaytqan’gha qeder dölet re’isining barliq hoquqlirini öz üstige elip uni bejiridu. Dölet re’isi wapat bolghan teqdirde, parlament teripidin yengi dölet re’isi saylan’ghan’gha qeder dölet re’isining wezipisini bejiridu. Bu madda Sürgündiki Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyitining re’isi üchünmu küchke ige bolidu.

Dölet re’isi dölet birligining simwolidur. Dölet re’isi Parlament testiqlighan qanun, Shertnamilar, qararlarni imzalaydu, chet’ellerge elchilerni teyinleydu we chet’el elcilirini qobul qilidu. Edilye ministirining tekliwi bilen eghir gunahkarlarni kechürüm qilidu, yaki jazasini yeniklitidu.

Sekkizinchi Bölüm Bash Ministirning Saylinishi we Hoquqliri

27-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistanmusteqilliq dawasigha özini atighan, bu dawagha ishenchisi kamil bolghan, 40 yashqa toshqan, wetendashlar arisida hörmetke sazawer bolghan, milli alahidiliklirini saqlighan, Parlament ezasi bolup saylan’ghan, Türk neslidin bolghan her qandaq Sherqiy Türkistanliq Sherqiy Türkistan Dölet re’isi teripidin bash ministirlik namzatliqigha körsitilidu. Bash ministir ministirlar kabinetini teshkillep dölet re’isining testiqidin keyin parlamentqa sunudu. Parlament uning hökümet programmisini maqullighandin keyin, bu ministirlar kabinetini üchte ikki awaz bilen testiqlaydu. Bu jeryanda eslidiki kabinet öz xizmitini dawamlashturidu.

28-Madda: Bash ministir parlamentqa wetenning omumi ehwali, hökümetning siyasiti heqqide az digende yilda bir qetim melumat beridu we özi toghra tapqan teqdirde parlamentning saylimi elip berilip bir dewr axirlashqandin keyin, Sherqiy Türkistan xelqini yengi wekillerni saylash üchün, saylam waqtini bekitishke, urush we tenchliq zamanlirida dölet armiyisini seperwer qilishqa, kabinet ezalirining paaliyetlirini nazaret qilishqa, ministirlar kabinetining qararlirigha zit heriket qilghan ministirlarni üch qetim agahlandurushqa we bu agahlandurushlargha etibar bermigen teqdirde, bash ministir dölet re’isining testiqi bilen bularni kabinettin chiqirishqa, qanunlarning adil ijra qilinishigha we wetenning pewqul’adde ehwal astida qalghan mezgilliride qanun küchige barawer qararlarni chiqirishqa, parlament qarari bilen herbi halet élan qilishqa hoquqluqtur.

Toqquzinchi Bölüm Parlamentning Hoquqliri

29-Madda: Mezkur parlament hemme qanun we nizamlarni chiqirishqa, baj qanunini chiqirishqa, qerzlerni töleshke we omumning menpe’etini qoghdashqa, omumi baj bilen import-ekisport towarliridin elinidighan baj qanunini chiqirishqa, bajning Sherqiy Türkistan teritoriyisi ichide barawer we bir xil ölchemlik bolushigha munasiwetlik qanunlarni chiqirishqa hoquqluqtur. Parlament yene töwendiki sahelerge munasiwetlik qanunlarni chiqiridu:

30-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti Hökümitining chet’eldin qerz elishigha, soda-setiq ishliri bilen tashqi sodini kontirol qilishigha;

31-Madda: Wetendashliqqa qobul qilish, wetendashliqtin chiqirish, hemde kiriziske sewepchi bolidighan banka pul paxallighining aldini elishqa we bankilar qanunini chiqirishqa;

32-Madda: Pul besish we pulning qimmitini qoghdash, chet’el pullirining kursini belgileshke, ölchem birliklirini bekitishke;
33-Madda: Saxta pul yasighuchilarni jazalashqa;
34-Madda:Pochtixana, doxturxana, mekteplerni echish we binakarliq-qurulushlirini elip berishqa;

35-Madda: Yazghuchi we sen’etchiler, ilim-pen sahesidikilerge qelem heqqi berish, ularning ijadiyet hoquqini qoghdash we erkin paaliyet qilishigha kapaletlik qilishqa;

36-Madda: Ali sot mehkimisi we uningdin töwen bolghan sot mehkimilirini qurushqa;
37-Madda: Dölet chegrisidiki etkeschilik, tamojnidiki köz boyamchiliq hadisilirini eniqlash we bulargha munasiwetlik qanunlargha xilapliq qilghuchilarni jazalashqa;

38-Madda: Sirtqa urush elan qilish, weten’ge qilin’ghan yaki qilinish ehtimali bolghan tajawuzchiliqlargha taqabil turushqa;

39-Madda: Dölet armiyesini terbiyilesh, kücheytish we uni bashqurushqa;
40-Madda: Döletning bir pütünligini qoghdash, topilangni tinjitish, tajawuzni tosash üchün armiyeni herbi wezipige seperwer qilishqa;

41-Madda: Eskerlerni teshkillesh, qorallandurush, bashqurush, ofitsirlerni wezipige teyinlesh, Parlamentning herbi tüzümige bina’en herbi telim- terbiye elip berishqa;

42-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Parlamenti Uyghuristan Jumhuriyiti Hökümitining we uning herqaysi organlirining yaki hökümet erbaplirining yuqurida bayan qilin’ghan qanunlarni ijra qilishi üchün zörür bolghan barliq qanunlani chiqirishqa we qanunlashturushqa hoquqliqdur.

Oninchi Bölüm  Wetendashlarning Heqliri we Parlamentning Heqliri

43-Madda: Parlament Sherqiy Türkistan xelqining hoquqlirigha, qanun aldida barawerlikige, dini etiqadlirigha kapaletlik qilidu. Parlament töwendiki ishlar heqqide qanun chiqarmaydu:

Herkimning étiqad qilghan dinigha erkin ibadet qilishigha cheklime qoyidighan, chüshenche we söz erkinligini, neshiriyat erkinligini chekleydighan, yighilish erkinligi bilen hökümetke xalighan temida iltimas sunush erkinligini chekleydighan, wetendashlarning imtiyaz we alahidiligini töwenlitidighan qanunlar.

44-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Hökümitining ruxsiti bilen xelq qoral saqlash we qoral elip yürüsh erkinlikige ige.

45- Madda: Tajawuzchilargha hemkarliship wetenning ishghal qilinishigha wastichiliq qilghan, düshmenlerge yaki wetenni ishghal qilghuchilargha ashkara yaki yoshurun yardem bergenler, jinayitining eghir-yeng’gillikige qarap sotqa tartilidu we jazalinidu.

46-Madda: Qanunda ruxset qilin’ghan ehwaldin bashqa meyli tenchliq dewride bolsun yaki urush dewride bolsun, herqandaq esker yaki saqchining mülk igisining maqullughini almay turup we sot mehkimisining qararini körsetmey turup herqandaq kishining mülkini tekshürüsh yaki musadire qilish hoquqi bolmaydu.

47-Madda: Kishiler yanlirini, öylirini, xet-cheklirini, chong-kichik buyumlirini we özini qanunsiz axturush we cheqilishqa qarita qanuni qoghdunush hoquqigha ige bolup uning’gha dexli qilinmaydu.

48-Madda: Urush yüz bermigen, herbi halet elan qilinmighan yaki omumi xelqning bixeterligi tehditke uchirimighan ehwallarda hechkim sot mehkimisining qararisiz we teptishning yazma eyiplishi bolmay turup jinayi jawapkarliqi üchün qolgha elinmaydu. Herqandaq kishini oxshash jinayiti üchün ikki qetim eyipleshke bolmaydu. Heckim qanuni jeryanlardin ötküzülmey turup erkinlikidin, mal–mülkidin , hayatidin mehrum qilinmaydu. Adil tölem tölenmey turup hechkimning xususi mülki musadire qilinmaydu yaki xelqqe teqsim qilip berilmeydu.

49-Madda: Herqandaq jinayi deloni birterep qilishta, jawapkar biterep bir sot mehkimiside qanun boyiche sotlinidu, gunahliri we qarilinish sewepliridin xewerlendurulidu, guwahchilar bilen yüzleshtürilidu, öz menpe’eti üchün shahid körsitip bereleydu we özini aqlas üchün adwukat tutalaydu.

50-Madda: Qarilan’ghuchini qebih we gheyri- normal usulda jazalashqa, uningdin artuqche kapalet puli yaki jerimane telep qilishqa yol qoyulmaydu. Gunahkar jinayi ishlar qanunidiki jinayitining eghir-yeng’gillikige asasen jazalinidu.

51-Madda: Wetendashlarning asasi qanunda berilgen hoquqliri, behriman bolushqa tegishlik qanunluq hoquqliri inkar qilinmaydu.

52-Madda: Sotta jinayetchige berilgen jazadin sirt yene uni malay qiliwelish, mejburi emgekke selish we ijtima’i ornigha qarap kemsitish men’i qilinidu. Sherqiy Türkistan wetendashliri qanun aldida barawerdur.

On Birinchi Bölüm Hökümetning Hoquq Cheklimisi

53-Madda: Hökümetning qanunda körsitilgen da’iridin sirt pul serp qilishigha ruxset qilinmaydu. Emma döletni tonutush we uning bixeterligini saqlash üchün bash ministir parlamentning maqulliqidin ötküzüp muwapiq miqdardiki mebleghni saqlash, xirajet qilish hoquqigha ige. Parlament döletning bir yilliq xamchot we rasxot pilanini közdin kechürüp testiqlaydu, munasiwetlik ministirlik we organlardin her yili rasxotlarning chiqim qilinish ehwalidin teptish hey’iti arqiliq hesap alidu. Teptish hey’iti parlament ezaliri ichidin awazgha qoyup saylap chiqilidu, hey’etler 3,5,7,9,…kishidin teshkil tapidu.

54-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan hökümiti hichkimge alahide imtiyazliq mensepni hediye qilmaydu. Hökümette wezipe ötigüchi shexs yaki parlament ezasi parlamentning ruhsitisiz dölet ichi we sirtidiki hechkimdin hediye yaki mensep qobul qilmaydu. Emma döletning milliy menpe’eti yüzisidin bir qisim dölet xadimliri, ziyalilar sherep unwanliri we xatire buyumlirini elish we berish hoquqigha ige.

On Ikkinchi Bölüm Edliye

55-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Hökümitining edliye sestimisi parlament teripidin alahide chiqirilghan qanun’gha asasen qurulghan musteqil asasi qanun mehkimisi, ali sot mehkimisi we sot mehkimiliri arqiliq paaliyet qilidu. Sotchilar we teptishler edliye ministiri teripidin ali mektepning qanun fakoltetlirini püttürgen, xizmet tarixi pak, xelq ichide abroyluq qanunshunaslar ichidin teyinlinidu. Sodiye we teptishler biterep turup wezipilirini adilliq bilen bejiridu.

56-Madda: Sotlan’ghanlar töwen derijilik sot mehkimilirining chiqarghan qarari we hökümnamiliri heqqidiki naraziliq erzlirini yuquri sot mehkimisi hesaplan’ghan ali sot mehkimisige sunush hoquqigha ige.

57-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan edliye sestimisi asasi qanunda belgilen’gen barliq qanunlarni biterep ijra qilidu, xelq’ara kelishimlerde Uyghuristan Jumhuriyiti terepte turup xelq’ara qanunlarni közde tutqan asasta ish bejiridu.

Sherqiy Türkistan hökümiti asasi qanunda belgilen’gen pütün qanunlarning terepsiz halda edliye teripidin ijra qilinishigha, xelqara qanuni kelishimlerning we Sherqiy Türkistan jumhuriyiti imzalighan barliq xelqara qanuni ehdinamilarning emelge ashurilishigha mes’ul bolidu.

58-Madda: Barliq jinayi ishlar deloliri teptishning qanuni shikayetnamisige asasen biterep sotqa tapshurilidu.

59-Madda: Dölet ichide Uyghuristan dölitige qarshi urush élan qilish, dölet düshmenlirining yaki döletni ishghal qilghuchilarning iradisi boyiche ulargha yardem qilish, ulargha qolayliq yaritip berish- weten’ge asiliq qilish jinayiti bolup hesaplinidu. Ikki neper guwahchining guwahliqi bolmighan we biterep sot mehkimisining etirap qilishi bolmighan ehwalda heckimni weten’ge asiliq qilish jinayiti bilen eyipleshke bolmaydu.

60-Madda: Parlament “weten’ge asiliq qilish jinayiti” heqqidiki qararlarni testiqlash hoquqigha ige.

On Üchinchi Bölüm Asasi Qanun’gha Tüzitish Kirgüzüsh

61-Madda: Mezkur parlament herqandaq waqitta parlamentning üchten ikki awazi bilen asasi qanunning maddilirigha tüzitish kirgüzse bolidu. Emma Asasi qanunning deslepki birinchi, ikkinchi, üchinchi, tötinchi, beshinchi we altinchi maddilirigha tüzitish kirgüzüshke bolmaydu we tüzitish kirgüzüsh heqqide teklip berishke bolmaydu. Tüzitish kirgüzülgen maddilar asasi qanunning qoshumche qismida eniq körsitilidu.

62-Madda: Bu asasi qanun we uning’gha asasen tüzülgen Sherqiy Türkistanning qanunliri, Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti teritoriyiside muqeddestur. Sotchilar mushu qanunlar boyiche ish bejiridu. Uyghuristan ning parlament ezaliri, dölet rehberliri, edliye xizmiti ishleydighanlar qesem berip wezipe tapshurup alidu.

63-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Parlamentining ezaliri her töt yilda bir qetim 10-ayning 1-heptiside Sherqiy Türkistan wetendashliri teripidin domokratik usulda awazgha qoyush arqiliq saylinidu. Sherqiy Türkistan azat qilghandin keyin parlament saylimi her töt yilda bir qetim, 11-ayning deslepki heptiside elip berilidu. 11-Ayning 12-küni yengi parlament eng peshqedem parlament ezasining riyasetchilikide qesem bilen wezipe tapshurup alidu. Qesem murasimidin keyin parlament 14-maddigha asasen paaliyetlirini elip baridu.

64-Madda: 2004-yili 9-ayning 14-küni awazgha qoyush arqiliq saylan’ghan parlament ezaliri we ministirlar töt yil keyinki saylamghiche wezipiside qalidu we wezipisini öteydu.

On Tötinchi Bölüm Asasi Qanun Mehkimisi

65-Madda:Asasi qanun mehkimisi-Sherqiy TürkistanParlamenti teripidin chiqirilghan mexsus qanun’gha asasen qurulghan bolup, bu mehkime qanunlarning, qanun hökmi boyiche chiqirilghan qararlarning we Sherqiy Türkistan parlamenti nizamnamilirining shekil hem mahiyet jehettin asasi qanun’gha uyghun bolghan yaki bolmighanliqi heqqide nazaret elip baridu.

Asasi qanun mehkimisi 11 neper resmi eza, 4 neper kandidat ezadin terkip tapidu. Asasi qanun mehkimisi ezaliri öz ichidin bir kishini asasi qanun mehkimisi bashliqi, bir kishini bashliq wekili qilip saylap chiqidu.

66-Madda: Asasi qanun mehkimisi eng ali mehkime süpitide siyasi partiyilerning emeldin qaldurulishi we melum siyasi partiyini emeldin qaldurushqa tegishlik dawalarda jumhuriyet bash teptishining emeldin qaldurush heqqidiki yazma doklat we tekliwini közdin köchürüp bu heqte qarar ciqiridu. Qarar chiqirishtin awal, u partiyening re’isi yaki re’is wekilining özini aqlash heqqidiki bayanatlirini anglaydu.

67-Madda: Asasi qanun mehkimisi jumhuriyet bash teptishining yazma shikayiti we parlamentning testiqi bilen döletning milliy menpe’etini eghir ziyan’gha uchratqan dölet re’isi, bash ministir we ministirlarni asasi qanun mehkimisining bir terep qilishigha tapshuridu. Asasi qanun mehkimisi chiqarghan qarar keskin bolup, uning’gha etiraz bildürüshke bolmaydu.

68-Madda: Ushbu asasi qanun 14 bölüm 68 maddidin teshkil tapqan bolup, Miladiye 2004-yili 11-ayning 20-künidin 22-künigiche Washin’gitonda chaqirilghan qurultayda parlament ezaliri teripidin maqullandi we elan qilindi. Bu asasi qanunning Uyghurche nusxisi asas qilinidu.

Qoshumchilar

Qoshumche A:
Dölet Bayriqining Shekli

(1933-yil 12-noyabir qurulghan Sherqiy Türkistan  jumhuriyitining dölet bayriqi)

Qoshumche B:Dölet Girbining Shekli

11097_455386391269258_7584251139139249125_n (1)
(1933-yili 12-noyabir qurulghan Sherqiy Türkistan jumhuriyitining dölet girbi)

Qoshumche C: Döletning Istiqlal Marshi

Qurtulush Yolida

Qurtulush yolida sudek aqti bizning qanimiz,

Sen üchün ey yurtimiz bolsun pida bu janimiz.

Qan kechip hem jan berip axir qutuldurduq seni,

Qelbimizde qutquzushqa bar idi imanimiz.

Yar hemdem boldi bizning himmitimiz sen üchün,

Dunyani sorighan idi ötken ulugh ejdadimiz.

Yurtumiz biz yüz-közüngni qan bilen pakizliduq,

Emdi hech kirletmigeymiz chünki Türktur namimiz.

Atilla, Ching’giz, Tömür dunyani titretken idi,

Qan berip nam alimiz biz ularning ewladibiz.

Chiqti jan hem aqti qan düshmendin alduq intiqam,

Yashisun hech ölmisun parlansun istiqbalimiz.

Qoshumche D: Döletning Milliy Marshi

Tarixtin Ewwel Biz Iduq, Tarixtin Songre Yene Biz

Tarixtin ewwel biz iduq, tarixtin songre yene biz,

Qelbimizde wijdanimiz, bu bizning imanimiz.

Türk biz, ana yurtimizning köksi biz tuch suferi,

Bash kesilse qaytmas basqan izidin Türk erliri.

Yurtimizning altunidur taghi birle tashliri,

Her biri bir arslandur, bu wetenning yashliri.

Yurtimiz üchün qurbandur yashlirimizning bashliri,

Imani, issiq qani, ularning yoldashliri.

Ordimiz hem yurtimiz, meshhur Türkdur namimiz,

Dinimiz, imanimiz, bu bizning wijdanimiz.

Yurtimiz Türkning yurti, biz uning qurbanimiz,

Bayriqimiz kök bayraq otturisida ay-yultuz.

Qoshumche F: Dölet Re’isi(Parlament ezaliri) ning Qesimi

Dölet Reyisi (Parlament ezasi) bolush süpitim bilen, döletning dawasini, istiqlalini we wetenning, milletning bölünmes pütünligini qoghdishimgha, wetenning istiqlalini mudapiye qilishimgha, qanuni asasta hoquqning aliliqigha we kishilik hoquq pirinsiplirigha hörmet qilishimgha, Uyghuristan Dölitining shan-sherepini qoghdishimgha, döletni tereqqi qildurush üchün pütün kücüm bilen xizmet qilishimgha, Ulugh Allah we Sherqiy Türkistan xelqi aldida ar-nomus we sheripim bilen qesem qilimen.

Qoshumce G

Bu asasi qanun eyni chaghda -Sürgündiki Sherqiy Türkistan Parlament ezaliridin Enwer Yüsüp Turani, Xizirbek Gayretullah, Sultan Maxmut Qeshqeri, Henife Erbash Ketene, Demiyan Rehmet, Aydoghan Qubilay, İsmayil Jeng’giz, Sultan Muhemmet, Erkin Ezizi qatarliqlar teripidin tüzüp chiqilghan bolup,bu qétimmu  parlamentimizgha sunulup muwapiq dep qarilip maqullandi we elan qilindi.

Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti Sürgündiki Hökümiti We Parlaménti
Xatime: 
Bu asasi qanun 1949-yili 10-ayda tajawuzchi Xitay komunist hökümiti teripidin ishghal qiliwelin’ghan Sherqiy Türkistan tupraqliridin chet’elge chiqip ketishke mejbur bolghan Sherqiy Türkistan/Uyghuristanliq muhajirlarning ortaq milliy iradisi bilen tüzüp chiqildi.

Ushbu asasi qanun Sherqiy Türkistan/Uyghuristan xelqining we ularning ewladlirining milliy musteqilliq we höriyitini qolgha keltürüshini kapaletlendürüshni we höriyetke erishkendin keyin dölitimizning emel qilishqa tegishlik siyasi tüzümi we yolini körsitip berishni meqset qilidu.
Sherqiy Türkistanning asasiy qanunining 1- Maddasida dewlet Ismi Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti dep békitildi. Sherqiy Türkistan  dégen isimni dunyadiki milletler we xeliqler özlirining tillirida  Sherqiy Türkistan dep ishletsimu öz tillirigha uyghun shekilde terjime qilip ishletsimu we yaki Uyghuristan dep éniq atisimu boliwéridu.  Meselen Türükche qatarliq bir qisim qérindash türkiy tillarde Sherqiy Türkistan/Dogu Türkistan….Ortaasya we Yawropa tillirida Uyghuristan.
20O4-yili 11-ayning 12-küni  Amerika Qoshma Shitatliri 

 

 

U.N. Rights Officials Criticize China Over Muslim Internments

Uighur Muslims demonstrated in Brussels in September against China’s mass detention of Uighurs in the western region of Xinjiang.CreditEmmanuel Dunand/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Uighur Muslims demonstrated in Brussels in September against China’s mass detention of Uighurs in the western region of Xinjiang.CreditCreditEmmanuel Dunand/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

By Nick Cumming-Bruce

  • Nov. 13, 2018

阅读简体中文版閱讀繁體中文版

GENEVA — United Nations human rights officials have sharply condemned regulations issued by China that seek to provide a legal basis for the mass internment of Muslims in the Xinjiang region.

Six United Nations officials and rights experts said in a letter sent on Monday to the Chinese government that the regulations were a violation of international law, and they urged that those responsible be held accountable.

The regulations were issued by the authorities in Xinjiang in western China, who said they were intended “to contain and eradicate” extremism.

The United Nations experts contended that the new rules to justify mass internments in “re-education centers’’ were based on overly broad definitions of extremist behavior and amounted to criminalizing the legitimate exercise of basic rights.

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The experts said the regulations were “incompatible with China’s obligations under international human rights law.”

Western reporting and academic research in recent months have exposed a crackdown on Xinjiang’s Uighur population and other minorities in which as many as one million people, about one-tenth of the region’s population, have disappeared into re-education camps. In addition, nearly all aspects of daily life and religious practice have become minutely regulated.

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Among those who participated in preparing the letter were Elina Steinerte and Bernard Duhaime, who are members of United Nations panels monitoring enforced disappearances and arbitrary detentions; David Kaye, the special rapporteur on freedom of expression; and Fernand Varennes, an expert on minority rights.

An example of what they viewed as overreach by the Chinese officials was references in the regulations that identified extremism as the “spreading of religious fanaticism through irregular beards” or the selection of names.

The regulations stated the authorities’ intention to make religion “more Chinese and under law and actively guide religions to become compatible with socialist society.’’

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“We would like to highlight that the homogenization of society and the aim to make religion ‘more Chinese’ are not considered legitimate aims under international law,” the experts said. They also argued that the coercive nature of the re-education centers meant they amounted to detention camps.

The statement appeared likely to hit a raw nerve in Beijing with its forceful critique of a policy closely associated with President Xi Jinping’s drive to stabilize Xinjiang, a region that has increasing strategic significance in China’s ambitious Belt and Road initiative to connect the country with Central Asia and Europe.

In August, Chinese officials denied to a United Nations panel that it was engaged in mass internments. Since then, China has begun a campaign through the state media defending its policies as a humane initiative, saying that it was providing vocational training for Xinjiang’s ethnic minorities, protecting vulnerable populations from the scourge of extremism and generating employment opportunities.

The human rights experts said they were concerned that the Xinjiang regulations and other measures to suppress dissent applied across China not only violated basic rights, but by “creating pockets of fear, resentment and alienation” could lead to more radicalization and extremism.

The other rights experts who participated in drafting the letter were Ahmed Shaheed, who monitors freedom of religion and belief, and Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, who follows the protection of human rights in the context of counterterrorism measures.

Their critique came only a week after China defended its record at the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva, claiming “tangible and enormous progress” in promoting and protecting “human rights with Chinese characteristics” and dismissing criticism as politically motivated.

Extracting Cultural Resources: the Exploitation and Criminalization of Uyghur Cultural Heritage

Published Tue, 06/12/2018 – 11:00

For immediate Release

June 12, 2018, 11:00 am EST

Contact: Uyghur Human Rights Project +1 (202) 478 1920

A new report by the Uyghur Human Rights Project entitled “Extracting Cultural Resources: the Exploitation and Criminalization of Uyghur Cultural Heritage”examines the history and current state of government control of Uyghur cultural expression and the place of China’s cultural policies in the ongoing assimilative campaign in East Turkestan.  The room for Uyghurs to maintain and develop their traditions is narrowing. Many traditional cultural practices have been transformed into propaganda campaigns, tourist offerings or in some cases completely banned.

To examine the increasingly repressive and assimilative cultural policies being enacted by the government, this report utilizes the concept of intangible cultural heritage (ICH)- those aspects of cultural expression which do not include the artworks and monuments traditionally thought of as cultural heritage, such as music, dance, craftsmanship and oral history.  The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) currently extends recognition to two items of Uyghur ICH at the international level; the suites of classical musical known as the Muqam and the Meshrep, a traditional event which served as a platform for a wide variety of Uyghur cultural expressions including music, dance, and oral history.

“China’s cultural policies do not help preserve the world’s cultural diversity.  Instead cultural heritage of the Uyghurs is assessed for its utility for preserving the Party’s power or developing the tourism industry.  If the authorities believe a traditional practice is in any way a threat, as is the case with shrine pilgrimage or traditional meshrep gatherings, it will be banned,” said UHRP’s Director, Omer Kanat.  “Cultural rights are directly connected to fundamental rights like freedom of speech, assembly, religion and the right to use one’s mother tongue.  The world should pay attention to what the Chinese authorities are doing to Uyghur cultural traditions because they are a vital part of maintaining identity, which the government appears determined to undermine.”

China seeks to frame minority cultures, such as the Uyghurs’, as small parts of Chinese national heritage, allowing them to take only narrow officially defined forms.  Official Chinese policy states that ICH must help strengthen national unity and socialist values and serve as a tool for increasing national prestige and strength as defined by the Communist Party.  The numerous laws and regulations on the preservation of ICH and the system of supporting and educating heritage bearers allow micromanagement of Uyghur cultural expression down to the grassroots level.

The official narrative regarding Uyghur culture is that the government is supporting cultural production though its ICH program and raising the cultural level of rural areas by sending official troupes to perform there, and that official policies are preserving Uyghur culture in the face of threats, namely the infiltration of religious extremism and hostile foreign forces.  This justifies government management of Uyghur cultural expression.  Official policy is highly focused on the use of Uyghur traditions as “cultural resources” which can be utilized to grow the tourism industry, which has become an important part of center-led economic development plans.  Its growth facilitates the settlement of Han Chinese into the region as both short-term visitors and labor for the growing industry and provides additional justification for repressive securitization policies aimed at creating an impression of “stability.” 

This report examines the government’s policies towards a wide variety of items of cultural heritage, including music, dance, folklore, architecture and clothing.  The government has banned shrine festivals and shrine pilgrimages and distorted the meshrep from a community-based activity into a vehicle for CCP propaganda. This means that Uyghur culture is being transformed into nothing more than the symbolic diversity of clothing and dance enforced by authorities from above even as the government’s assimilative policies intensify. 

This campaign is taking the form of pressuring Uyghurs to publicly perform modern dances, sing Communist “Red Songs,” wear pseudo- traditional Chinese robes, and celebrate Chinese New Year.  This is taking place against the backdrop of a massive crackdown, including the imprisonment of hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs in re-education camps.  Uyghur’s cultural marginalization parallels their economic and political marginalization.  Controlling or forbidding traditional or Uyghur-led cultural expressions are not only a violation of individual rights to free speech, assembly and religion, but are also violations of their communal cultural rights, threatening the ability of Uyghurs to define and maintain their own identity.

“Extracting Cultural Resources: the Exploitation and Criminalization of Uyghur Cultural Heritage”  can be downloaded at:https://docs.uhrp.org/pdf/CulturalResourcesIntangibleHeritage.pdf

https://uhrp.org/press-release/extracting-cultural-resources-exploitation-and-criminalization-uyghur-cultural?fbclid=IwAR3tF7pzJ1mlm8ylOFpNJlA-qluJnvDZbi6ZoHaptZCtgQFFfjsSKoguMNw

The “People’s War on Terror” and the Mass Internment of Muslims in Uyghurland

portrait of Uyghur family with three children

Family portrait of Uyghur exiles in Turkey. Their oldest son (centre) is currently in a detention camp in Xinjiang (Aruuke Urankyzy /TRTWorld)LECTUREOpen lecture with Dr. Rachel Harris (SOAS, University of London)

In China’s northwestern border region of Xinjiang, coercive forms of disciplinary state power now condition the experience of everyday life for millions of Uyghurs and other Muslim minority peoples. The mechanisms of surveillance and control extend across the region and right into family homes, underpinned by an unprecedented system of mass detention.

Over the past ten years researching Uyghur Islam, I have observed the steady rise of religious piety in Xinjiang, and the accompanying rise of a state discourse of Uyghur religious extremism and terrorism. This discourse is today being used to justify the existence of a huge network of heavily securitised re-education facilities, in which over one million Muslim citizens of Xinjiang are indefinitely detained without charge. Numerous accounts have leaked to the outside world of coercion and violence in these detention camps. The scope of detentions goes far beyond the religious sphere to encompass anyone who has connections abroad, or has promoted Uyghur cultural identity, or simply fails to demonstrate adequate loyalty to the state.

In this talk I argue that, far from targeting those vulnerable to radicalization, state campaigns have made a broad-based, full-frontal assault on Islamic faith and Uyghur culture. I discuss the impact on Uyghur and Kazakh communities at home and abroad, and the scope for international responses to this crisis.

Bio:
Rachel Harris is Reader in the School of Arts at SOAS, University of London. She has published extensively on religious and expressive culture among the Uyghurs and cultural policy in China. She is currently working on an edited volume “Ethnographies of Islam in China”, and a monograph “Soundscapes of Uyghur Islam”.

Welcome!

https://www.ace.lu.se/event/the-peoples-war-on-terror-and-the-mass-internment-of-muslims-in-xinjiang?fbclid=IwAR3bPAVIHyRakDtMDBvywmOG4KjsRNLMVvWdOah5v9n4H5-JZ9zk2le7ZnY

The DisappearedAn Inside Look at China’s Reeducation Camps

A million Muslims are being held in reeducation camps in northwestern China, where they are forced to learn Mandarin and sing communist songs. Ex-prisoners who have escaped across the border to Kazakhstan talk about their imprisonment.

© Milos Djuric/DER SPIEGEL

By Katrin Kuntz

Photo Gallery: China's Oppressive Quest for a 'Harmonious Society'

PhotosRobin Hinsch / DER SPIEGEL November 13, 2018  03:42 PM

“The schooling has only one goal: To banish thoughts of religious extremism and violent terrorism from people’s minds and to heal ideological sicknesses.”
Quote from a member of the Communist Youth League at a seminar in Hotan, Xinjiang in March 2017.

On a day in October, with a strong wind chasing the clouds over the mountains of Almaty and carrying the first whiff of damp firewood through the streets, the first Kazakh rises up against China in the back room at a hotel in the city. Kairat Samarkan is his name, a stout man with soft features and big hands who loves horse milk and the stillness of the mountains. He holds onto the lectern in front of him, his eyes scanning the cameras pointed at him, and tries to smile.WERBUNGinRead invented by TeadsADVERTISEMENT

But the camp immediately returns to the forefront of his mind.

It has been about a year since Samarkan disappeared into a reeducation camp in China where he was forced to learn Mandarin and to sing communist songs. He likely only regained his freedom because three months later he smashed his head against a wall so hard that he almost died. Now he is one of the few Muslims able to talk about China’s indoctrination camps.

Fifty Kazakh men and women are seated in front of him on this morning, anxiously waiting for him to begin telling his story. Each of them has relatives who apparently disappeared in China’s camps.ADVERTISEMENT

Samarkan’s body presses against the wooden lectern, and he slowly raises the microphone. “They tortured us when we made mistakes,” he says. “Every morning they forced us to praise Xi Jinping, the Chinese president. We wished for him to live 10,000 years. We sang: China is greater and more developed than all other countries. In the afternoons, we had ideological lessons. The teachers talked about the 19th party congress and China’s successes. Then they locked us back up.”

Samarkan is a Chinese-born shoe salesman who used to commute between the two countries. “As you know, we Muslims in Xinjiang province have been persecuted for years,” he says. “But I didn’t think they would start arresting everyone who visits Kazakhstan. On my last trip, Chinese police officers stopped me at a checkpoint. They accused me of having dual citizenship and of betraying my country.”

They interrogated him for three days, his limbs stretched out in an iron chair. Samarkan hits the lectern with his hands. “They want to make us Chinese. Millions of Muslims in China are no longer allowed to be people.”

A ‘Harmonious Society’

The audience is quiet when Samarkan finishes. A woman cries silently.

Many Kazakhs in attendance left their hamlets at dawn to attend this meeting, set up by the aid organization Atajurt. They have photos with them of their mothers, fathers, brothers and sisters who have been arrested in Xinjiang. They, too, bravely tell their stories into the microphones belonging to Kazakh broadcast journalists.

Most ethnic Kazakhs who are missing relatives were born in China and later emigrated to Kazakhstan, the land of their ancestors. The place they left behind, the northwestern Chinese administrative district officially known as the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, is primarily populated by Turkic peoples and is rich in natural resources. But it is the Han Chinese who profit from the economic upswing.

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As a result, the Uighurs, who make up a majority of the Muslims in Xinjiang, felt discriminated against and launched protests against the Chinese government’s injustice. Because isolated attacks were also carried out, the leadership soon came to view Uighurs and other Muslim minorities, such as the Kazakhs, as enemies of the state who were preventing the establishment of a “harmonious society.” In Beijing’s view, they are disrupting China’s national unity — and doing so in a strategically important region through which the new Silk Road passes.

About 1 million Uighurs, Kazakhs and other Muslim minorities are currently in detention according to research conducted by the United Nations. Beijing’s “fight against terror” has led to the construction of likely hundreds of reeducation camps.

DER SPIEGEL spoke with three former prisoners and a dozen families whose relatives are allegedly in indoctrination camps in Xinjian. All of them speak of brainwashing meant to bring the Muslims into line.

For months, Beijing denied that these camps even existed. But because international pressure continued to increase, the government recently changed its strategy. Instead of refuting the camps’ existence, it proudly declared them to be an opportunity for “voluntary professional education” with integrated language training.

The governor of the Xinjiang region told the Chinese state news agency that Muslims were being taught how to become “law-abiding citizens.” He claimed they not only learn Chinese in the camps but could also take courses in e-commerce or cosmetics. At A UN meeting last week, American and Western European diplomats called on China to end the internment of Muslims in the Xinjiang region. China’s deputy foreign minister rejected the accusations as politically motivated.

An Ideological Experiment

Because reporting it is almost impossible in Xinjiang, it is necessary to travel to Kazakhstan to learn more. Almaty lies about 300 kilometers (190 miles) from the Chinese border and is the largest city in this oil-rich country of 1.8 million inhabitants. It is surrounded by mountains, its hip bars nestled in among Soviet-era structures. Long-time President Nursultan Nazarbayev has been in power here for the past 27 years and there is no outward indication that the most radical reorganization of Chinese society since Mao Zedong is taking place just across the border. And that the tentacles of this ideological experiment reach deep into Kazakh society.

In a high-rise on the edge of the city, a slender woman welcomes a visitor to her two-room apartment. Thirty-seven-year-old Guly Omarkan fled to Almaty because life in China had become unbearable for her. A student is sleeping on a mattress behind the sofa — a roommate to help her pay the rent. Otherwise, though, the rooms are bare. “I haven’t had any time to get settled since my father was arrested in China,” she says, quietly.

Omarkan grew up in a community in Xinjiang primarily composed of ethnic Kazakhs, but as a child she also played with Chinese friends. Uighur was the language of instruction at her school and she learned Chinese as a second language. “In China, 56 ethnic groups need to come together,” is a sentence she heard frequently.

She first realized that things were changing in late 2016. Omarkan’s Uighur school was closed down and was replaced by a Chinese one. Then, a “learning center” opened around the corner. Han Chinese went through the streets and invited all the inhabitants to attend “open education camps.”

“We were supposed to watch communist films,” says Omarkan. “Songs were sung about China winning every war.”

At first, the overseers claimed the courses were voluntary. But they kept lists on which they divided people into categories: “trustworthy, middle, untrustworthy.”

Before long, those who had stayed away from the education centers began disappearing. Entire Muslim villages emptied out and the children of parents who were arrested ended up in state-run orphanages. If one of them went missing, overseers said they had been sent “to school.”

‘Travelling Too Much’

Beijing intensified its “anti-terror campaign” in 2014 following deadly unrest in Xinjiang. In 2009, during a Uighur uprising in Ürümqi, some 200 people lost their lives, most of them Han Chinese. Omarkan had become used to surveillance and repression, but now, Beijing set about establishing a police state in the country’s remote northwest.

In 2016, hardline party secretary Chen Quanguo was reassigned from Tibet and took over oversight of the province and soon, checkpoints and police stations began sprouting up across the barren region. That is when Omarkan moved to Almaty, a place where everyone spoke her language and where she felt at home. But her family was still in China, so she commuted back and forth. “You are travelling too much,” an acquaintance warned her. Kazakhstan now belonged to the 26 “most dangerous countries” — one of those places where it was best not to have any contacts if you wanted to avoid problems in China.

Beijing has established a list of 75 characteristics which are supposedly signs of “religious extremism.” Calls for a “holy war” are considered suspicious, but so too is the accumulation of “large stores of food” or if someone “hoards weights, boxing gloves, maps, compasses, telescopes, ropes and tents without any apparent reason.”

One day, Omarkan was looking for her Koran in her parents’ living room in China. “We moved it into the storage room,” her father said. “But we aren’t religious,” Omarkan countered. Her boys were circumcized because that’s what the tradition called for, and they greeted each other with “salaam alaykum” instead of “nihao,” but otherwise, she couldn’t see any differences to the Han Chinese. “We grew up with them,” Omarkan says today.

The overseers became increasingly strict. In early 2017, the government began its “Becoming Family” campaign, in which over a million inspectors moved into the homes of Muslim families. Their mandate was supposedly to “win hearts” but also to collect information about their host families. They were to inform their “little brothers and sisters” that their entire digital communication was being monitored.

“My daughter,” is what Omarkan’s father called the young woman who was sitting with the family one evening in 2017 when Omarkan came for a visit. “I came to help your family,” the spy said. Omarkan’s father instructed his daughter to be nice to this woman, who had been sent “from above.” And Omarkan made an effort, calling the young woman “sister.”

“It turns out that we constantly had to help her, because she even brought her child with her,” says Omarkan on her sofa in Almaty. The young woman moved into Omarkan’s room. When Omarkan claimed one night to be sick to avoid the screening of a propaganda film in the center of town, the woman informed on her.

Hundreds of Stories

Omarkan applied for Kazakh citizenship. During her next visit to China, the secret service interrogated her, and three months later, her mother was on the phone. “They have arrested your father,” she said. Her mother told Omarkan that her father would only be released if she told the authorities everything about his daughter. Omarkan cries as she tells the story.

There are hundreds of stories like hers in Almaty, all of them recorded in the offices of the NGO Atajurt, housed in a Soviet building with an undersized elevator into which dozens of people squeeze every day to report the missing. Atajurt has documented over a thousand cases of Kazakhs who have disappeared in Xinjiang.

“We wanted to help the Kazakh government with their repatriation program,” Kydyrali Orasuly, who runs the organization, says. “But China orders our returnees back into their country, supposedly to resolve passport issues.”

Most never return from these trips. These days, many Kazakhs can hardly speak with their relatives back in China anymore: It has simply become too dangerous for the people of Xinjiang to accept phone calls from Kazakhstan. As a result, families have taken to paying taxi drivers to ask around in their villages in China. Others communicate in metaphors on the phone. The sentence “the weather is getting worse” refers to impending danger. “The computer has crashed. The program is broken,” means that someone has been arrested.

Most of the former prisoners who have been able to flee to Almaty are afraid of Chinese agents, given that the border isn’t far away. The either remain silent or prefer to remain anonymous. But Orynbek Koksebek, a stocky 38-year-old with a scar on his nose from a childhood fight, has come to a restaurant to talk — both because he is furious and because he wants to share his experiences. He says he was imprisoned in northern Xinjiang.

“One-hundred-twenty-five days in a cell. I’ve never harmed anyone. The only daylight I saw was on the way to the classroom.” He says messages on the walls proclaimed China’s greatness and that 100 prisoners sat in front of a woman who taught them Chinese characters. “I didn’t understand what I was supposed to do,” says Koksebek. “I had barely ever held a pen before.”

‘Never Problems with the Chinese’

Because he can hardly read and write in his own language, his fellow students helped him with his Mandarin. They wrote down the propaganda song “Without the Communist Party There Would Be No New China” for him, and when the contents of the 19th party congress were being reviewed, they whispered him the answers. Soon, he was able to recite all by himself the story of communist hero Lei Feng, who fought gloriously for China.

Koksebek grew up in the city of Tacheng in northern Xinjiang, went to school for three years and spent the rest of his childhood on the back of a horse. In the family, they spoke Kazakh. “There were never problems with the Chinese.” Nevertheless, Koksebek moved to Almaty to find work.

He took on Kazakh citizenship and left China behind. But he was arrested on Nov. 22, 2017, as he was travelling back to Xinjiang for his uncle’s funeral. Officials told him he hadn’t properly cancelled his Chinese citizenship — and drove him to a hospital with a mask over his head.

All former prisoners report having blood drawn before they were imprisoned. It’s likely that China is entering the detainees into a database which is ultimately to include information about all Xinjiang inhabitants between the ages of 12 and 65.

Then Koksebek was thrown into a cell.

“Why do you live in Kazakhstan? What do you do? Who do you know there?” That is how the interrogations began. When Koksebek says he didn’t understand what they wanted from him, they forced him into a box and poured ice-cold water over him until he lost consciousness.

After a few days, or perhaps weeks — Kosksebek doesn’t know exactly — they transferred him to the reeducation camp. It was divided into three sections: “one for religion, one for border crossings and one for criminals.” Most of the detainees belonged to category two.

The daily routine was strict: Out of bed at 6 a.m.; propaganda radio from 8 a.m. to 10 a.m.; lessons from 10 a.m. to noon. Then lunch. After mealtime came songs from 2 p.m. to 4 p.m. and then writing down the lessons 4 p.m. to 6 p.m. Another stint of propaganda radio came from 8 p.m. to 10 p.m. They were regularly summoned for group sessions where their views were examined closely. “You will be thankful to us because our education is good for your future,” the overseers would say.

A Propaganda Trip to the Border

On April 12, 2018, Koksebek was released. Whether it was his entreaties that led to his release, his poor grasp of Mandarin or something else: He doesn’t know.

A few days after our meeting, the Kazakh Foreign Ministry invited ambassadors, diplomats and journalists on a propaganda trip to the Chinese border. A specially chartered, turquoise train stands at the ready at 4 a.m. in Almaty. The vodka starts flowing just an hour into the trip as the Kazakh steppe streams past the windows outside — until we arrive in the city of Horgos. It is one of the most isolated places on Earth, but it is also a key junction on the New Silk Road.

The Kazakh foreign minister praises his country’s friendship with China as he holds a speech flanked by containers. During the meal, dancers entertain the guests before the foreign minister takes the group on a tour of the free-trade zone, careful to steer clear of the Chinese shops that ban veiled Muslim women from entering.

He doesn’t say a word about the camps located just a few kilometers away on the other side of the border. Kazakhstan is a young country trapped between the major powers of Russia on one side and China on the other. It is wary of endangering its economic ties by protesting the camps.

One day later in Almaty, a woman whose life is in danger comes to a hotel for an interview. We will call her Sophia for the purposes of this story. Since she fled China, she has been hiding in Almaty. She has no valid identity papers and arrived one year ago and began looking for work. Life in her Chinese hometown had become unbearable.

“I could no longer stand the constant inspections,” Sophia says. When she visited her sister in China one year ago, she says, a Uighur man invited her to a party. He was later arrested and when the police were going through his contacts in his phone, they identified Sophia as a Muslim born in China who was living out of the country. She ended up in a cell with 30 detainees.

Beaten with a Stick

“The indoctrination wasn’t the worst part,” she says, “but they kept us under surveillance the entire time. There were cameras hanging in our cells.” She says they even kept an eye on them in the showers. “The guards did to us whatever they wanted. In places where there were no cameras, they would hit us. They even photographed us naked.” The young women, she says, were defenseless, and the older ones who had forgotten how to write Chinese characters were beaten with a stick.

The Kazakh man who accompanied Sophia to the hotel wants her to testify before the International Court of Justice in The Hague. He believes her story could move the international community to take action. And that hundreds of thousands of people would be released. But it is unlikely that will happen. Most countries have proven reluctant to take a stance. China is a powerful adversary. Even the Kazakh government has indicated to former prisoners who have left China to refrain from speaking openly about the camps. The ex-detainees aren’t even safe in Kazakhstan.

Sophia, the young woman who continues to live in fear, writes to us from where she is hiding in Almaty: “This prison will remain burned into my memory forever. My hands, my eyes, my voice will belong to the police forever.”

She still doesn’t know where she can go next. But it should be as far from Xinjiang as possible.Article…

https://www.ace.lu.se/event/the-peoples-war-on-terror-and-the-mass-internment-of-muslims-in-xinjiang?fbclid=IwAR3bPAVIHyRakDtMDBvywmOG4KjsRNLMVvWdOah5v9n4H5-JZ9zk2le7ZnY

CNN Téléwiziyesi bilen NPR radiyosida radiyomiz muxbirlirining ehwali tonushturuldi


2018-11-15

Radiyomiz Uyghur bölümining muxbirliri xitay hökümitining öch élish herikitining biwasite tesirige uchrighanliqi toghrisida ishligen programmisining bashbet süriti.

Radiyomiz Uyghur bölümining muxbirliri xitay hökümitining öch élish herikitining biwasite tesirige uchrighanliqi toghrisida ishligen programmisining bashbet süriti.

 RFA00:11/06:29

Anglash
Awazni köchürüsh

Xitay hökümiti Uyghur élide bir milyondin oshuq kishini lagérgha qamap, ulargha türlük jismaniy we rohiy bésim ishlitiwatqanliqi nöwette xelq’aradiki dangliq axbaratlarning muhim témisigha aylandi. 14-Noyabir küni amérikidiki dangliq axbarat organliridin CNN téléwiziyesi bilen NPR radiyosi arqa-arqidin Uyghurlarning lagérgha soliniwatqanliqi heqqide mexsus programmilarni ishlep tarqatti. Bu xewerlerde radiyomiz Uyghur bölümi xadimlirining xizmiti seweblik ularning ata-ana we uruq-tughqanliridin juda bolghanliqi muhim téma qilindi. 

CNN Téléwiziyesi xewiride amérikidiki “Erkin asiya radiyosi” Uyghur bölümining muxbiri gülchéhrening öz inisi, hammisi we newre aka-singilliridin bolup az dégende 23 tughqinining lagérgha solan’ghanliqini, uning yashinip qalghan ata-anisi bilenmu bir aydin béri yene alaqisi üzülüp qalghanliqini bayan qilidu. 

Xewerde yene “Erkin asiya radiyosi” Uyghur bölümining 6 muxbirining uruq-tughqanlirining lagérgha solan’ghanliqi tilgha élinip, radiyomiz muxbirliridin memetjan jümening ikki qérindishining 2017-yili 5-aydin bashlap lagérgha élip kétilgenliki shundaqla yene anisi we ikki singlisi bilenmu alaqisi üzülgenliki tilgha élinidu. U CNN ge qilghan sözide “A’ilingizning qeyerdilikini bilmeslik we ulargha yardem qilalmasliq dunyadiki eng qéyin ish. Men her küni ularni oylaymen. U xuddi bir wirusqa oxshash her küni sizning kallingizgha kiriwalidu. Qopsammu-yatsammu shularni xiyal qilimen. Emma ular üchün héchqandaq bir ish qilip bérelmeymen,” dégen. 

Xewerde yene amérika dölet mejlisi élan qilghan doklatqa asaslinip Uyghur élide texminen bir milyon etrapida kishining ashundaq lagérda ikenlikining texmin qilinidighanliqi bayan qilin’ghan. 

Mezkur téléwiziye programmisida amérikidiki jorji washin’gton uniwérsitéti xelq’ara tereqqiyat tetqiqat bölümining mudiri shan robérts ependi ziyaret qilin’ghan. U sözide lagérlarni “Özgertish merkezliri” dep teswirligen we “Ular bu arqiliq pütkül bir Uyghur medeniyitini we kimlikini özgertishni meqset qiliwatidu. Bu heqiqetenmu ré’alliqtin halqighan )ademning ishen’güsi kelmeydighan” bir heriket. Men 21-esirde bundaq ish téxi körülüp baqmighan idi, dep késip éytalaymen” dégen. Gülchéhre bolsa buni “Uyghurlargha qiliniwatqan medeniyet qirghinchiliqi” dep atighan. Gülchéhre sözide meyli néme bolushidin qet’iynezer özining awazsiz xelqining awazi bolushni dawam qilidighanliqini bildürgen. 

NPR Radiyosimu bu heqtiki xewiride “Erkin asiya radiyosi” Uyghur bölümining rayondiki weqelerni tunji bolup ashkarilighanliqi, emma buning üchün muxbirlarning éghir bedellerni töligenlikini qeyt qilidu. Ular muxbirlirimizdin shöhret hoshurni misalgha élip, “U we uning xizmetdashliri adette Uyghur élide yüz bériwatqanlarni tunji bolup ashkarilap kelgen. Biraq ular buning üchün bedel tölimekte. U we bashqa 5 xizmetdishining uruq-tughqanliri qolgha élindi. U yerlik saqchi organlirigha téléfon qilghanliqi üchün uning bezi tughqanliri saqchi teripidin élip kétilgen. Saqchi uning awazini derhal tonuwalghan we yene téléfon qilidighan bolsang men séning a’ilengni weyran qilimen, dégen” dep bayan qilidu. 

Xewerde yene hazir shöhret hoshurning 78 yashliq anisi bilen birlikte jem’iy 8 tughqinining türmide yaki lagérda ikenlikini, saqchilarning uning anisini “Idiyeside mesile bar” dep lagérgha élip ketkenliki bayan qilin’ghandin kéyin, “U shundaq bolushigha qarimay, özini xelqining aldida mejburiyiti bar, dep qarighanliqi üchün xizmitini dawamlashturmaqta,” deydu. 

Uyghur bölümining diréktori alim séyitof NPR radiyosigha qilghan sözide rayonda ötken yili qozghalghan keng kölemlik qesem bérish we ochuq xet élan qilish heriketliridin kéyinla, yeni 2017-yili aprélda Uyghur bölümining tunji bolup rayonda lagér barliqidin xewer tapqanliqini éytqan we “Eyni waqitta héchqandaq jinayiti yoq kishilerning peqetla burut qoyghan, uzun könglek kiygen yaki dini témilarda sözleshken dégen sewebler bilen lagérgha ep kétiliwatqini uqqunimizda chöchüp ketken iduq,” dégen. 

NPR Radiyo programmisida gérmaniyelik tetqiqatchi adriyan zénznimu ziyaret qilghan. U sözide “Kommunizm her waqit insanlarni özgertip, dinning tesirige uchrimaydighan kishilerni yaritishqa urunup kelgen. Démek, ular melum derijide mushu xildiki qayta terbiyelerning insanlarni özgerteleydighanliqigha ishinidu. Eger ishenmise, u halda ular din’gha oxshash bashqa étiqadlarning kommunizm idiyesidinmu küchlüklükini qobul qilishqa mejbur bolidu,” dégen. 

CNN Téléwiziyesi bu heqtiki xewiride xitay hökümiti lagérlarni “Kespiy terbiyelesh orni” dep atap, Uyghurlarni terbiyelewatqanliqini ilgiri sürsimu, emma nurghun mutexessisler we xelq’araliq organlar xitayning meqsiti Uyghurlarni xitay qilish, ularning medeniyitini yoq qilish, dep qaraydighanliqini bildürgen we buning Uyghurlar olturaqlashqan zéminning “Bir belwagh bir yol” istratégiyesidiki halqiliq jay bolushi bilen munasiwetlik bolushi mumkinlikinimu tilgha alghan.
irade

Munasiwetlik xewerler

Rubio, Menendez, Colleagues Introduce Legislation In Response To China’s Human Rights Abuses Of Uyghurs

 

NOV 14 2018

Washington, D.C. – U.S. Senators Marco Rubio (R-FL), chair of the bipartisan Congressional-Executive Commission on China (CECC), and Bob Menendez (D-NJ), ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, today introduced the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act in response to the gross violations of human rights in China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, including the mass internment of over one million Uyghurs and other predominantly Muslim ethnic minorities, as well as China’s intimidation and threats against U.S. citizens and legal permanent residents (LPRs) on American soil. 

Joining Rubio and Menendez are Senators Cory Gardner (R-CO), Angus King (I-ME), Tom Cotton (R-AR), Chris Van Hollen (D-MD), Chuck Grassley (R-IA), Sherrod Brown (D-OH), John Cornyn (R-TX), Jeff Merkley (D-OR), Steve Daines (R-MT), Ed Markey (D-MA), Pat Toomey (R-PA), Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), Orrin Hatch (R-UT), and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA).

“The United States must hold accountable officials in the Chinese government and Communist Party responsible for gross violations of human rights and possible crimes against humanity, including the internment in ‘political reeducation’ camps of as many as a million Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim minorities,” Rubio said. “I’m proud to lead this important initiative that elevates the current crisis in Xinjiang, puts forth policy options to address it, and signals that we will not tolerate Chinese government intrusions on American soil.”

“The situation in Xinjiang and China’s treatment of its Uighur Minority is beyond abhorrent”, Menendez said, “and shines a light of China’s surveillance state tactics that threaten basic human dignity. The President needs to have a clear and consistent approach to China, and not turn a blind eye as a million Muslims are unjustly imprisoned and forced into labor camps by an autocratic regime.”

A copy of the legislation can be found here. Key elements of the legislation include:

  • A report by the Director of National Intelligence, in coordination with the State Department, regarding the regional security threat posed by the crackdown and the frequency with which Central Asian countries are forcibly returning Turkic Muslim refugees and asylum seekers. The report will also include a list of Chinese companies involved in the construction and operation of the camps.
  • An FBI report on efforts to provide information to and protect U.S. citizens and LPRs (including Uyghurs) from Chinese government harassment and intimidation.
  • A report by the CEO of the U.S. Agency for Global Media regarding efforts to intimidate Radio Free Asia (RFA) employees, the status and reach of U.S. broadcasting to Xinjiang, and analysis of disinformation propaganda by the PRC targeting Uyghur communities globally.
  • A State Department report regarding the scale and scope of the crackdown.

Their legislation urges high-level U.S. engagement on this issue, the establishment of a new “double-hatted” position at the State Department (a Special Coordinator for Xinjiang) while the crisis persists, the application of Global Magnitsky and related sanctions, the full implementation of the Frank R. Wolf International Religious Freedom Act, a review of Commerce Department export controls and end user restrictions and the establishment of a voluntary database whereby U.S. citizens and LPRs can provide information regarding missing/detained family members with a view toward pressing for accountability.

In October, Rubio and U.S. Representative Chris Smith (R-NJ) issued the CECC’s 2018 Annual Report and announced several new joint initiatives to protect U.S. citizens and residents from intimidation and address possible crimes against humanity occurring in China. Rep. Smith is introducing companion legislation in the House.

China rebukes Canada and other diplomats for letter on Muslim rights




China rebukes Canada and other diplomats for letter on Muslim rights

Canada reportedly spearheaded a letter initiative expressing concern about Uighur camps

The Associated Press · Posted: Nov 15, 2018 9:23 AM ET | Last Updated: 7 hours ago

John McCallum, Canada’s ambassador to China, right, sits next to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau during a bilateral meeting with Chinese Premier Li Keqiang in Singapore on Wednesday. (Adrian Wyld.The Canadian Press)

China said Thursday that 15 foreign ambassadors, including the envoy from Canada, exceeded their diplomatic roles by issuing a letter expressing concern about the incarceration of hundreds of thousands of members of the country’s Muslim minorities in re-education camps.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying told reporters at a daily briefing that it would be “problematic” if the diplomats were attempting to put pressure on local authorities in the northwestern region of Xinjiang, where the detentions have taken place.

Hua said the letter violated the terms of the Vienna Convention governing diplomatic relations, and that the ambassadors should not “interfere in the internal affairs of other countries.”

“As ambassadors, they are supposed to play positive roles in promoting mutual understanding, mutual trust and co-operation … rather than making unreasonable requests to the countries where they are based,” Hua said.

She said the letter issued this week and reportedly spearheaded by Canada’s ambassador, John McCallum, was based on hearsay, despite widely distributed reports from detainees, relatives and officials documenting the sweeping and seemingly arbitrary detentions.

Inmates and relatives say the camps impose military-style discipline and punishments and force detainees to renounce their religion and culture while swearing fealty to President Xi Jinping and the ruling Communist Party.

Trudeau raised concerns with China’s premier 

Asked about the letter, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said he had “highlighted the questions and concerns that we have” surrounding the issue in his bilateral meeting with Chinese Premier Li Keqiang on the sidelines of the annual summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Singapore.

“Canada will continue to look for ways to advance and promote human rights in partnership with our like-minded allies everywhere around the world,” Trudeau said at a news conference Thursday.

The letter to the Chinese government has not been made public, but Reuters said it was signed by 15 Western ambassadors, including the Canadian, British, French, Swiss, European Union, German, and Australian envoys.

Diplomats from the countries named in the report either did not reply to requests for confirmation or said they had no comment.

Hua’s comments came as a bipartisan group of U.S. lawmakers is bringing a measure to urge President Donald Trump to help Chinese Muslims respond to the crackdown.

A man takes part in a demonstration against China during its Universal Periodic Review by the Human Rights Council in front of the UN’s office on Nov. 6. The protest drew some 1,000 Tibetan and Uighurs. (Denis Balibouse/Reuters)

The legislation would urge Trump to condemn “gross violations” of human rights in Xinjiang, where the UN estimates that as many as one million Uighurs and other predominantly Muslim minorities are being held in arbitrary detention.

It would also support an existing push for sanctions against Xinjiang Communist Party chief Chen Quanguo and other officials under the Magnitsky Act, which prevents foreign officials from entering the U.S. and freezes any assets they have in U.S. banks.

Other sanctions raised for consideration by the act include a ban on sales of U.S.-made goods or services to Xinjiang state agents such as those that could be used for surveillance and suppression.

‘Behaviour correction’

Chinese authorities have denied that the internment camps exist, but say petty criminals are sent to “employment training centres.” The Xinjiang government has revised regulations to officially permit the use of “education and training centres” to reform “people influenced by extremism.”

The rules direct the centres to teach the Mandarin language, occupational and legal education, as well as “ideological education, psychological rehabilitation and behaviour correction.”

Xinjiang’s native Uighur and Kazakh ethnic groups are culturally, religiously and linguistically distinct from China’s Han majority, and the region has been home to a low-intensity rebellion against rule from Beijing. Many of the region’s natives say their culture is under threat from Chinese policies aiming to assimilate them and that they face disadvantages in education and employment from Han migrants from other parts of China.

Members of the Muslim Hui ethnic group — culturally and linguistically closer to the Han — have also been ensnared in the campaign that has drawn comparisons to Mao Zedong’s radical 1966-76 Cultural Revolution.

Also on Thursday, China’s cabinet released a report titled “Protection and Development of Xinjiang Culture” that stressed the importance of adopting Mandarin Chinese among ethnic groups and referred to their Islamic faith as “religious culture.”

“Xinjiang adheres to the historical tradition of the Sinosization of religion and actively adapts religion to socialist society,” the report said.