SHERQIY TÜRKISTAN JUMHURIYITI ASASI QANUNI

Monday, December 28, 2009

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SHERQIY TÜRKISTAN JUMHURIYITI ASASI QANUNI
Birinchi Bölüm

Dölet ismi, Dölet Tüzümi, Dölet Bayriqi, Dölet Giribi, Istiqlal Marshi, Milli Marshi, Dölet Tili, Dölet Dini we Paytexti

1- Madda: Dölet Ismi: Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti, dunyadiki milletler we xeliqler özlirining tillirida Sherqiy Türkistan  dégen isimni öz tillirigha uyghun shekilde terjime qilip ishletsimu we yaki Uyghuristan dep éniq atisimu bolidu.Meselen Türükchide Dogu Türkistan….Üzbekche we Germanchide Uyghuristan.

2-Madda: Dölet Tüzümi démokratiye we kishilik hoquqqa hörmet qilidighan, ijtima’i, demokratik bir pütün hoquq dölitidur. Sherqiy Türkistan dölitining zimin pütünligini, millitining birligini parcilashqa bolmaydu we yol qoyulmaydu.

3-Madda: Dölet bayrighi Ay-yultuzluq kök bayraqdur. (Qoshumche resim A gha qarang)

4-Madda: Dewlet Giribi: Üstige ay-yultuzluq dewlet bayriqini tutup turghan, Sherqiy Türkistan xelqining simiwoli bolghan tengritagh bürküti, bürkütning ong we sol teripide tinichliq, adalet we bexitning simiwoli bolghan akatsiye yopurmiqi chüshürilgen nur chéchip turghan qoyash, quyashning etrapida Sherqiy Türkistanyashawatqan  qerindash xeliqlerge temsil qilinghan ilahiy bürelerning shekli chüshürülgen qutsal tashpütükdur.  (Qoshumche resim B ge qarang)

Belgüler, Sherqiy Türkistan yashawatqan tört chong Türki xeliqlerning simwolidur. Üch yultuz bolsa tarixta Sherqiy Türkistan qurulghan Kök Türk dewliti, Uyghur  Emparaturluqi, we Qaraxanilar dewletlirining simwolidur.

5-Madda: Döletning Istiqlal we Milliy Marshi,Milliy Qesimi

Döletning Istiqlal Marshi,1933-yili Memtili Ependi (Tewpiq) teripidin yezilip, Sherqiy Türkistanliqlar teripidin oqulghan “Qurtulush Yolida” namliq she’iridur. Döletning milliy marshi yene Memtili ependining “Tarixtin Ewwel Biz Iduq, Tarixtin Songre Yene Biz” digen she’iridur. (Qoshumche C we D ge qarang)

6-Madda: Dölet Tili, Dini we Paytexti

Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyitining dölet tili-Uyghur türkchisidur. Qazaq türkchisi bilen Qirghiz türkchisi milliy til qatarida qollinilidu.

Dini: Islamdur.Dölet bashqa dinlarnimu hörmet qilidu, qoghdaydu, herxil diniy hoquqlargha kapaletlik qilidu.

Döletning paytexti: Ürümchi.

7-Madda: Asasi Qanunning yuqurda yezilghan birinchi, ikkinchi, üchinchi, tötinchi, beshinchi we altinchi maddilliri herqandaq shara’itta özgertilmeydu we özgertishke teshebbus qilinmaydu.

Ikkinchi Bölüm Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyitining Sürgündiki Hökümiti

8 – Madda: 2004-yili 14-sentebirde Amerika Qoshma Shitatlirining paytexti Washin’gitonda qurulghan Sürgündiki Sherqiy Türkistan Hökümiti-wetinimiz tajawuzchi Xitay kommunist hakimiyitining qolidin azat bolghan’gha qeder Sherqiy Türkistan xelqighe wakaliten hoquq yürgüzidighan, Sherqiy TürkistanJumhuriyitige wekillik qilidighan birdin bir hoquqluq organ bolup hesaplinidu.

9-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti Sürgündiki Hökümitining asasi wezipisi-dunyadiki barliq demokratiyini, heqqaniyetni, tenchliqni söyidighan, kishilik hoquqqa hörmet qilidighan döletler, Birleshken Döletler Teshkilati bashchilighidiki barliq xelq’ara teshkilatlar, xelq’aradiki kishilik hoquq organliri bilen hemkarliship, ularning yardimini qolgha keltürüp,Sherqiy Türkistan xelqini tajawuzchi kommunist Xitay hakimiyiti yürgüziwatqan dölet terrorizimigha qarshi küreshke teshkillep, wetinimiz Sherqiy Türkistanning musteqilliqini qolgha keltürüshtin ibaret.

10-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti Sürgündiki Hökümitining ministirliri bash ministirning qol astida Ministirlar kabineti bolup teshkillinidu. Ministirlar kabinetida hökümet programmilirigha xilapliq qilghan ministirlar üch qetim agahlandurilidu. Bu agahlandurushlargha etibar qilmighan teqdirde ministirlar kabinetining qarari we dölet reisining testiqi bilen bash minister teripidin kabinettin chiqirilidu.

11-Madda: Hökümetning ministirlar kabeniti yilda bir yaki ikki qetim yighilish ötküzüp, hökümet programmilirining ijra qilinish ehwalidin bash ministir we kabenitqa doklat sunidu we hökümet programmilirini emeliyleshtürüshning chare-tedbirlirini muzakire qilip bekitidu.

Xitay bilen siyasi we iqtisadi munasiwiti bolghan herqandaq Sherqiy Türkistanni parlament ezasi we ministir qilip saylashqa bolmaydu. Parlament we hökümet ezalirining wezipe ötewatqan muddet ichide herqanadaq sewep bilen Xitaygha, Xitay mustemlikisi astidiki dölet we rayonlargha berishi men’i qilinidu.

Üchinchi Bölüm Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyitining Parlament Saylimi we Wetendashliq

12-Madda: Parlament özige bir re’is, bir mua’win re’is, bir bash katip, ikki katipni parlament ezaliri ichidin töt yilliq muddet üchün üchte ikki awaz bilen saylap chiqidu. Parlament ezalirining tekliwi bilen qanunlashqan we herqaysi rayonlardin demokratik usulda saylan’ghan wekillerdin teshkillen’gen Parlament alahide ehwallardin sirt her töt yilning birinchi yilining 11-ayning 10- küni echilip, tötinchi yilining 11-ayning 11-küni axirlishidu. Parlament bu asasi qanunning 17-, 18-, 19- maddilirigha asasen parlament ezalirini saylap chiqip Parlamentni wujutqa keltüridu. 11-ayning 12- küni saylan’ghan parlament ezaliri qesem berip wezipe tapshurup alidu. Yengi Parlamentning wujutqa kelishi, hoquqliri we eza sani qurghuchi tunji parlamentning belgilimilirini asas qilidu.

13-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyitining ichide yurtning ishghal qilinishigha chetishliq bolghan, düshmen’ge yaki yurtni ishghal qilghuchilargha yardem bergen, ulargha qolayliq yaritip bergenligi sezilgen herqandaq kishining Parlament ezaliqigha saylinishigha yol qoyulmaydu.

14-Madda: Döletning ishghal qilinishi bilen munasiwiti bolmighan, düshmenlerge yaki tajawuzchilargha yardem bermigen, ularni qoghdap qalmighan, Sherqiy Türkistanda tughulghan, yette ejdadighiche Uyghuristanda yashighan herqandaq kishi Uyghuristanliq hesaplinidu. Sherqiy Türkistanning sirtida özini Sherqiy Türkistanliq dep hesaplighan, Sherqiy Türkistanni ana wetinim dep qobul qilghan herqandaq muhajir Sherqiy Türkistanning tebi’i wetendishidur.

Tötinchi Bölüm Parlament Ezaliri

15-Madda:Parlament saylan’ghan parlament ezaliridin teshkil qilinidu. Parlament ezalirini 18 yashtin ashqan herbir Sherqiy Türkistan wetendishi, jinsiy perqige qarimay demokratik usullar bilen awaz berish arqiliq saylap chiqidu.
16-Madda: Esker we saqchilarni wezipe ötewatqan muddet ichide parlament ezaliqigha saylashqa bolmaydu. Emma, saylam mezgilidin az digende üch ay burun istipa berish sherti bilen saylash we saylinish hoquqigha ige bolalaydu.

17-Madda: Dölet ichide her 60 ming nopustin bir parlament ezasi saylinidu. Sürgündiki Parlament üchün parlament ezaliri yashawatqan döletlerdiki Sherqiy Türkistanning nopus sanigha we ularning emili ehwaligh asasen, tunji qurghuchi Parlamentning testiqi bilen qanunlashqan belgilimiler boyiche saylinidu. Emma, sürgündiki parlament ezalirining sani 60 kishidin kem bolmaslighi kerek.
18-Madda: Parlament xadimliri parlament re’isi teripidin teyinlinidu.

19-Madda: Parlament ezaliri ichide wapat bolghan yaki herqandaq sewep tüpeylidin wezipisidin ayrilghanlarning ornigha Parlamentning qarari boyiche belgilen’gen muddet ichide shu wekil teweligidiki rayon teripidin parlament ezaliri toluqlap saylinidu. Emma sürgündiki parlamentning ezasi wapat bolghan yaki istipa bergen teqdirde, shu parlament ezasi turushluq dölettiki Sherqiy Türkistanliqlar ichidin toluqlap saylinidu.

Beshinchi Bölüm Qanunlar we Qararlar

20-Madda: Barliq qanunlar parlament teripidin tüzüp chiqilidu. Bu qanunlar üchte ikki awaz bilen maqullinidu. Maqullan’ghan qanunlarni hökümet ijra qilidu.

21-Madda: Barliq qararlar hökümet teripidin chiqirilidu. Bash ministir bir yaki ikki ministirni hökümet bayanatchisi qilip teyinleydu.

Altinchi Bölüm Parlament we Dölet Armiyisi

22-Madda: Dölet re’isi dölet armiyisining ali bash qomandanidur.

23-Madda: Tenchliq mezgilliride dölet re’isi teripidin körsitilgen eng tejribilik, abroyluq, dölet armiyisi ichide hörmetke sazawer we ishenchlik bir yuquri derijilik ofitser dölet armiyisige dölet reyisige wakaliten qomandanliq qilidu we bash qomandan qilip teyinlinidu.

24-Madda: Parlament döletning musteqilliqini qoghdash üchün herbi seperwerlik, urush elan qilish, dölet menpe’etini asas qilish sherti astida chet’eller bilen bolidighan shertnamilarni tüzüsh we imzalash hoquqini üchte ikki awaz bilen hökümetke beridu.

Yettinchi Bölüm Dölet Re’isining Saylinishi we Hoquqliri

25-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan musteqilliq dawasigha özini atighan, Sherqiy Türkistan xelqining menpe’eti üchün pidakarliq bilen ishleydighan, ali mektepni tamamlighan, parlament ezasi bolup saylan’ghan, wetendashlar arisida hörmetke sazawer, milliy alahidiliklirini saqlighan, 40 yashqa toshqan Türk neslidin bolghan herqandaq Sherqiy Türkistanliq ichidin saylam arqiliq dölet re’isi saylinidu we saylan’ghan dölet re’isi qesem bilen öz ezipisini tapshurup alidu.(Qoshumche E ke qarang)

26-Madda: Dölet re’isining hoquqliri: Dölet re’isi bash minister namzatini körsitidu, bash ministir teripidin sunulghan hökümet kabinetini testiqlaydu. Ministirlikke teyinlen’gen namzatlarni ispat bilen yenggüshlesh yaki emeldin qaldurush heqqide bash ministirge yazma teklip beridu.

Dölet re’isi kesellik, sayahet yaki bashqa sewepler bilen wezipisini ada qilalmighan waqitlarda, parlament ezasi bolghan mua’win dölet re’isi dölet re’isining salametliki eslige kelgen’ge yaki sayahettin qaytqan’gha qeder dölet re’isining barliq hoquqlirini öz üstige elip uni bejiridu. Dölet re’isi wapat bolghan teqdirde, parlament teripidin yengi dölet re’isi saylan’ghan’gha qeder dölet re’isining wezipisini bejiridu. Bu madda Sürgündiki Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyitining re’isi üchünmu küchke ige bolidu.

Dölet re’isi dölet birligining simwolidur. Dölet re’isi Parlament testiqlighan qanun, Shertnamilar, qararlarni imzalaydu, chet’ellerge elchilerni teyinleydu we chet’el elcilirini qobul qilidu. Edilye ministirining tekliwi bilen eghir gunahkarlarni kechürüm qilidu, yaki jazasini yeniklitidu.

Sekkizinchi Bölüm Bash Ministirning Saylinishi we Hoquqliri

27-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistanmusteqilliq dawasigha özini atighan, bu dawagha ishenchisi kamil bolghan, 40 yashqa toshqan, wetendashlar arisida hörmetke sazawer bolghan, milli alahidiliklirini saqlighan, Parlament ezasi bolup saylan’ghan, Türk neslidin bolghan her qandaq Sherqiy Türkistanliq Sherqiy Türkistan Dölet re’isi teripidin bash ministirlik namzatliqigha körsitilidu. Bash ministir ministirlar kabinetini teshkillep dölet re’isining testiqidin keyin parlamentqa sunudu. Parlament uning hökümet programmisini maqullighandin keyin, bu ministirlar kabinetini üchte ikki awaz bilen testiqlaydu. Bu jeryanda eslidiki kabinet öz xizmitini dawamlashturidu.

28-Madda: Bash ministir parlamentqa wetenning omumi ehwali, hökümetning siyasiti heqqide az digende yilda bir qetim melumat beridu we özi toghra tapqan teqdirde parlamentning saylimi elip berilip bir dewr axirlashqandin keyin, Sherqiy Türkistan xelqini yengi wekillerni saylash üchün, saylam waqtini bekitishke, urush we tenchliq zamanlirida dölet armiyisini seperwer qilishqa, kabinet ezalirining paaliyetlirini nazaret qilishqa, ministirlar kabinetining qararlirigha zit heriket qilghan ministirlarni üch qetim agahlandurushqa we bu agahlandurushlargha etibar bermigen teqdirde, bash ministir dölet re’isining testiqi bilen bularni kabinettin chiqirishqa, qanunlarning adil ijra qilinishigha we wetenning pewqul’adde ehwal astida qalghan mezgilliride qanun küchige barawer qararlarni chiqirishqa, parlament qarari bilen herbi halet élan qilishqa hoquqluqtur.

Toqquzinchi Bölüm Parlamentning Hoquqliri

29-Madda: Mezkur parlament hemme qanun we nizamlarni chiqirishqa, baj qanunini chiqirishqa, qerzlerni töleshke we omumning menpe’etini qoghdashqa, omumi baj bilen import-ekisport towarliridin elinidighan baj qanunini chiqirishqa, bajning Sherqiy Türkistan teritoriyisi ichide barawer we bir xil ölchemlik bolushigha munasiwetlik qanunlarni chiqirishqa hoquqluqtur. Parlament yene töwendiki sahelerge munasiwetlik qanunlarni chiqiridu:

30-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti Hökümitining chet’eldin qerz elishigha, soda-setiq ishliri bilen tashqi sodini kontirol qilishigha;

31-Madda: Wetendashliqqa qobul qilish, wetendashliqtin chiqirish, hemde kiriziske sewepchi bolidighan banka pul paxallighining aldini elishqa we bankilar qanunini chiqirishqa;

32-Madda: Pul besish we pulning qimmitini qoghdash, chet’el pullirining kursini belgileshke, ölchem birliklirini bekitishke;
33-Madda: Saxta pul yasighuchilarni jazalashqa;
34-Madda:Pochtixana, doxturxana, mekteplerni echish we binakarliq-qurulushlirini elip berishqa;

35-Madda: Yazghuchi we sen’etchiler, ilim-pen sahesidikilerge qelem heqqi berish, ularning ijadiyet hoquqini qoghdash we erkin paaliyet qilishigha kapaletlik qilishqa;

36-Madda: Ali sot mehkimisi we uningdin töwen bolghan sot mehkimilirini qurushqa;
37-Madda: Dölet chegrisidiki etkeschilik, tamojnidiki köz boyamchiliq hadisilirini eniqlash we bulargha munasiwetlik qanunlargha xilapliq qilghuchilarni jazalashqa;

38-Madda: Sirtqa urush elan qilish, weten’ge qilin’ghan yaki qilinish ehtimali bolghan tajawuzchiliqlargha taqabil turushqa;

39-Madda: Dölet armiyesini terbiyilesh, kücheytish we uni bashqurushqa;
40-Madda: Döletning bir pütünligini qoghdash, topilangni tinjitish, tajawuzni tosash üchün armiyeni herbi wezipige seperwer qilishqa;

41-Madda: Eskerlerni teshkillesh, qorallandurush, bashqurush, ofitsirlerni wezipige teyinlesh, Parlamentning herbi tüzümige bina’en herbi telim- terbiye elip berishqa;

42-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Parlamenti Uyghuristan Jumhuriyiti Hökümitining we uning herqaysi organlirining yaki hökümet erbaplirining yuqurida bayan qilin’ghan qanunlarni ijra qilishi üchün zörür bolghan barliq qanunlani chiqirishqa we qanunlashturushqa hoquqliqdur.

Oninchi Bölüm  Wetendashlarning Heqliri we Parlamentning Heqliri

43-Madda: Parlament Sherqiy Türkistan xelqining hoquqlirigha, qanun aldida barawerlikige, dini etiqadlirigha kapaletlik qilidu. Parlament töwendiki ishlar heqqide qanun chiqarmaydu:

Herkimning étiqad qilghan dinigha erkin ibadet qilishigha cheklime qoyidighan, chüshenche we söz erkinligini, neshiriyat erkinligini chekleydighan, yighilish erkinligi bilen hökümetke xalighan temida iltimas sunush erkinligini chekleydighan, wetendashlarning imtiyaz we alahidiligini töwenlitidighan qanunlar.

44-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Hökümitining ruxsiti bilen xelq qoral saqlash we qoral elip yürüsh erkinlikige ige.

45- Madda: Tajawuzchilargha hemkarliship wetenning ishghal qilinishigha wastichiliq qilghan, düshmenlerge yaki wetenni ishghal qilghuchilargha ashkara yaki yoshurun yardem bergenler, jinayitining eghir-yeng’gillikige qarap sotqa tartilidu we jazalinidu.

46-Madda: Qanunda ruxset qilin’ghan ehwaldin bashqa meyli tenchliq dewride bolsun yaki urush dewride bolsun, herqandaq esker yaki saqchining mülk igisining maqullughini almay turup we sot mehkimisining qararini körsetmey turup herqandaq kishining mülkini tekshürüsh yaki musadire qilish hoquqi bolmaydu.

47-Madda: Kishiler yanlirini, öylirini, xet-cheklirini, chong-kichik buyumlirini we özini qanunsiz axturush we cheqilishqa qarita qanuni qoghdunush hoquqigha ige bolup uning’gha dexli qilinmaydu.

48-Madda: Urush yüz bermigen, herbi halet elan qilinmighan yaki omumi xelqning bixeterligi tehditke uchirimighan ehwallarda hechkim sot mehkimisining qararisiz we teptishning yazma eyiplishi bolmay turup jinayi jawapkarliqi üchün qolgha elinmaydu. Herqandaq kishini oxshash jinayiti üchün ikki qetim eyipleshke bolmaydu. Heckim qanuni jeryanlardin ötküzülmey turup erkinlikidin, mal–mülkidin , hayatidin mehrum qilinmaydu. Adil tölem tölenmey turup hechkimning xususi mülki musadire qilinmaydu yaki xelqqe teqsim qilip berilmeydu.

49-Madda: Herqandaq jinayi deloni birterep qilishta, jawapkar biterep bir sot mehkimiside qanun boyiche sotlinidu, gunahliri we qarilinish sewepliridin xewerlendurulidu, guwahchilar bilen yüzleshtürilidu, öz menpe’eti üchün shahid körsitip bereleydu we özini aqlas üchün adwukat tutalaydu.

50-Madda: Qarilan’ghuchini qebih we gheyri- normal usulda jazalashqa, uningdin artuqche kapalet puli yaki jerimane telep qilishqa yol qoyulmaydu. Gunahkar jinayi ishlar qanunidiki jinayitining eghir-yeng’gillikige asasen jazalinidu.

51-Madda: Wetendashlarning asasi qanunda berilgen hoquqliri, behriman bolushqa tegishlik qanunluq hoquqliri inkar qilinmaydu.

52-Madda: Sotta jinayetchige berilgen jazadin sirt yene uni malay qiliwelish, mejburi emgekke selish we ijtima’i ornigha qarap kemsitish men’i qilinidu. Sherqiy Türkistan wetendashliri qanun aldida barawerdur.

On Birinchi Bölüm Hökümetning Hoquq Cheklimisi

53-Madda: Hökümetning qanunda körsitilgen da’iridin sirt pul serp qilishigha ruxset qilinmaydu. Emma döletni tonutush we uning bixeterligini saqlash üchün bash ministir parlamentning maqulliqidin ötküzüp muwapiq miqdardiki mebleghni saqlash, xirajet qilish hoquqigha ige. Parlament döletning bir yilliq xamchot we rasxot pilanini közdin kechürüp testiqlaydu, munasiwetlik ministirlik we organlardin her yili rasxotlarning chiqim qilinish ehwalidin teptish hey’iti arqiliq hesap alidu. Teptish hey’iti parlament ezaliri ichidin awazgha qoyup saylap chiqilidu, hey’etler 3,5,7,9,…kishidin teshkil tapidu.

54-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan hökümiti hichkimge alahide imtiyazliq mensepni hediye qilmaydu. Hökümette wezipe ötigüchi shexs yaki parlament ezasi parlamentning ruhsitisiz dölet ichi we sirtidiki hechkimdin hediye yaki mensep qobul qilmaydu. Emma döletning milliy menpe’eti yüzisidin bir qisim dölet xadimliri, ziyalilar sherep unwanliri we xatire buyumlirini elish we berish hoquqigha ige.

On Ikkinchi Bölüm Edliye

55-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Hökümitining edliye sestimisi parlament teripidin alahide chiqirilghan qanun’gha asasen qurulghan musteqil asasi qanun mehkimisi, ali sot mehkimisi we sot mehkimiliri arqiliq paaliyet qilidu. Sotchilar we teptishler edliye ministiri teripidin ali mektepning qanun fakoltetlirini püttürgen, xizmet tarixi pak, xelq ichide abroyluq qanunshunaslar ichidin teyinlinidu. Sodiye we teptishler biterep turup wezipilirini adilliq bilen bejiridu.

56-Madda: Sotlan’ghanlar töwen derijilik sot mehkimilirining chiqarghan qarari we hökümnamiliri heqqidiki naraziliq erzlirini yuquri sot mehkimisi hesaplan’ghan ali sot mehkimisige sunush hoquqigha ige.

57-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan edliye sestimisi asasi qanunda belgilen’gen barliq qanunlarni biterep ijra qilidu, xelq’ara kelishimlerde Uyghuristan Jumhuriyiti terepte turup xelq’ara qanunlarni közde tutqan asasta ish bejiridu.

Sherqiy Türkistan hökümiti asasi qanunda belgilen’gen pütün qanunlarning terepsiz halda edliye teripidin ijra qilinishigha, xelqara qanuni kelishimlerning we Sherqiy Türkistan jumhuriyiti imzalighan barliq xelqara qanuni ehdinamilarning emelge ashurilishigha mes’ul bolidu.

58-Madda: Barliq jinayi ishlar deloliri teptishning qanuni shikayetnamisige asasen biterep sotqa tapshurilidu.

59-Madda: Dölet ichide Uyghuristan dölitige qarshi urush élan qilish, dölet düshmenlirining yaki döletni ishghal qilghuchilarning iradisi boyiche ulargha yardem qilish, ulargha qolayliq yaritip berish- weten’ge asiliq qilish jinayiti bolup hesaplinidu. Ikki neper guwahchining guwahliqi bolmighan we biterep sot mehkimisining etirap qilishi bolmighan ehwalda heckimni weten’ge asiliq qilish jinayiti bilen eyipleshke bolmaydu.

60-Madda: Parlament “weten’ge asiliq qilish jinayiti” heqqidiki qararlarni testiqlash hoquqigha ige.

On Üchinchi Bölüm Asasi Qanun’gha Tüzitish Kirgüzüsh

61-Madda: Mezkur parlament herqandaq waqitta parlamentning üchten ikki awazi bilen asasi qanunning maddilirigha tüzitish kirgüzse bolidu. Emma Asasi qanunning deslepki birinchi, ikkinchi, üchinchi, tötinchi, beshinchi we altinchi maddilirigha tüzitish kirgüzüshke bolmaydu we tüzitish kirgüzüsh heqqide teklip berishke bolmaydu. Tüzitish kirgüzülgen maddilar asasi qanunning qoshumche qismida eniq körsitilidu.

62-Madda: Bu asasi qanun we uning’gha asasen tüzülgen Sherqiy Türkistanning qanunliri, Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti teritoriyiside muqeddestur. Sotchilar mushu qanunlar boyiche ish bejiridu. Uyghuristan ning parlament ezaliri, dölet rehberliri, edliye xizmiti ishleydighanlar qesem berip wezipe tapshurup alidu.

63-Madda: Sherqiy Türkistan Parlamentining ezaliri her töt yilda bir qetim 10-ayning 1-heptiside Sherqiy Türkistan wetendashliri teripidin domokratik usulda awazgha qoyush arqiliq saylinidu. Sherqiy Türkistan azat qilghandin keyin parlament saylimi her töt yilda bir qetim, 11-ayning deslepki heptiside elip berilidu. 11-Ayning 12-küni yengi parlament eng peshqedem parlament ezasining riyasetchilikide qesem bilen wezipe tapshurup alidu. Qesem murasimidin keyin parlament 14-maddigha asasen paaliyetlirini elip baridu.

64-Madda: 2004-yili 9-ayning 14-küni awazgha qoyush arqiliq saylan’ghan parlament ezaliri we ministirlar töt yil keyinki saylamghiche wezipiside qalidu we wezipisini öteydu.

On Tötinchi Bölüm Asasi Qanun Mehkimisi

65-Madda:Asasi qanun mehkimisi-Sherqiy TürkistanParlamenti teripidin chiqirilghan mexsus qanun’gha asasen qurulghan bolup, bu mehkime qanunlarning, qanun hökmi boyiche chiqirilghan qararlarning we Sherqiy Türkistan parlamenti nizamnamilirining shekil hem mahiyet jehettin asasi qanun’gha uyghun bolghan yaki bolmighanliqi heqqide nazaret elip baridu.

Asasi qanun mehkimisi 11 neper resmi eza, 4 neper kandidat ezadin terkip tapidu. Asasi qanun mehkimisi ezaliri öz ichidin bir kishini asasi qanun mehkimisi bashliqi, bir kishini bashliq wekili qilip saylap chiqidu.

66-Madda: Asasi qanun mehkimisi eng ali mehkime süpitide siyasi partiyilerning emeldin qaldurulishi we melum siyasi partiyini emeldin qaldurushqa tegishlik dawalarda jumhuriyet bash teptishining emeldin qaldurush heqqidiki yazma doklat we tekliwini közdin köchürüp bu heqte qarar ciqiridu. Qarar chiqirishtin awal, u partiyening re’isi yaki re’is wekilining özini aqlash heqqidiki bayanatlirini anglaydu.

67-Madda: Asasi qanun mehkimisi jumhuriyet bash teptishining yazma shikayiti we parlamentning testiqi bilen döletning milliy menpe’etini eghir ziyan’gha uchratqan dölet re’isi, bash ministir we ministirlarni asasi qanun mehkimisining bir terep qilishigha tapshuridu. Asasi qanun mehkimisi chiqarghan qarar keskin bolup, uning’gha etiraz bildürüshke bolmaydu.

68-Madda: Ushbu asasi qanun 14 bölüm 68 maddidin teshkil tapqan bolup, Miladiye 2004-yili 11-ayning 20-künidin 22-künigiche Washin’gitonda chaqirilghan qurultayda parlament ezaliri teripidin maqullandi we elan qilindi. Bu asasi qanunning Uyghurche nusxisi asas qilinidu.

Qoshumchilar

Qoshumche A:
Dölet Bayriqining Shekli

(1933-yil 12-noyabir qurulghan Sherqiy Türkistan  jumhuriyitining dölet bayriqi)

Qoshumche B:Dölet Girbining Shekli

11097_455386391269258_7584251139139249125_n (1)
(1933-yili 12-noyabir qurulghan Sherqiy Türkistan jumhuriyitining dölet girbi)

Qoshumche C: Döletning Istiqlal Marshi

Qurtulush Yolida

Qurtulush yolida sudek aqti bizning qanimiz,

Sen üchün ey yurtimiz bolsun pida bu janimiz.

Qan kechip hem jan berip axir qutuldurduq seni,

Qelbimizde qutquzushqa bar idi imanimiz.

Yar hemdem boldi bizning himmitimiz sen üchün,

Dunyani sorighan idi ötken ulugh ejdadimiz.

Yurtumiz biz yüz-közüngni qan bilen pakizliduq,

Emdi hech kirletmigeymiz chünki Türktur namimiz.

Atilla, Ching’giz, Tömür dunyani titretken idi,

Qan berip nam alimiz biz ularning ewladibiz.

Chiqti jan hem aqti qan düshmendin alduq intiqam,

Yashisun hech ölmisun parlansun istiqbalimiz.

Qoshumche D: Döletning Milliy Marshi

Tarixtin Ewwel Biz Iduq, Tarixtin Songre Yene Biz

Tarixtin ewwel biz iduq, tarixtin songre yene biz,

Qelbimizde wijdanimiz, bu bizning imanimiz.

Türk biz, ana yurtimizning köksi biz tuch suferi,

Bash kesilse qaytmas basqan izidin Türk erliri.

Yurtimizning altunidur taghi birle tashliri,

Her biri bir arslandur, bu wetenning yashliri.

Yurtimiz üchün qurbandur yashlirimizning bashliri,

Imani, issiq qani, ularning yoldashliri.

Ordimiz hem yurtimiz, meshhur Türkdur namimiz,

Dinimiz, imanimiz, bu bizning wijdanimiz.

Yurtimiz Türkning yurti, biz uning qurbanimiz,

Bayriqimiz kök bayraq otturisida ay-yultuz.

Qoshumche F: Dölet Re’isi(Parlament ezaliri) ning Qesimi

Dölet Reyisi (Parlament ezasi) bolush süpitim bilen, döletning dawasini, istiqlalini we wetenning, milletning bölünmes pütünligini qoghdishimgha, wetenning istiqlalini mudapiye qilishimgha, qanuni asasta hoquqning aliliqigha we kishilik hoquq pirinsiplirigha hörmet qilishimgha, Uyghuristan Dölitining shan-sherepini qoghdishimgha, döletni tereqqi qildurush üchün pütün kücüm bilen xizmet qilishimgha, Ulugh Allah we Sherqiy Türkistan xelqi aldida ar-nomus we sheripim bilen qesem qilimen.

Qoshumce G

Bu asasi qanun eyni chaghda -Sürgündiki Sherqiy Türkistan Parlament ezaliridin Enwer Yüsüp Turani, Xizirbek Gayretullah, Sultan Maxmut Qeshqeri, Henife Erbash Ketene, Demiyan Rehmet, Aydoghan Qubilay, İsmayil Jeng’giz, Sultan Muhemmet, Erkin Ezizi qatarliqlar teripidin tüzüp chiqilghan bolup,bu qétimmu  parlamentimizgha sunulup muwapiq dep qarilip maqullandi we elan qilindi.

Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti Sürgündiki Hökümiti We Parlaménti
Xatime: 
Bu asasi qanun 1949-yili 10-ayda tajawuzchi Xitay komunist hökümiti teripidin ishghal qiliwelin’ghan Sherqiy Türkistan tupraqliridin chet’elge chiqip ketishke mejbur bolghan Sherqiy Türkistan/Uyghuristanliq muhajirlarning ortaq milliy iradisi bilen tüzüp chiqildi.

Ushbu asasi qanun Sherqiy Türkistan/Uyghuristan xelqining we ularning ewladlirining milliy musteqilliq we höriyitini qolgha keltürüshini kapaletlendürüshni we höriyetke erishkendin keyin dölitimizning emel qilishqa tegishlik siyasi tüzümi we yolini körsitip berishni meqset qilidu.
Sherqiy Türkistanning asasiy qanunining 1- Maddasida dewlet Ismi Sherqiy Türkistan Jumhuriyiti dep békitildi. Sherqiy Türkistan  dégen isimni dunyadiki milletler we xeliqler özlirining tillirida  Sherqiy Türkistan dep ishletsimu öz tillirigha uyghun shekilde terjime qilip ishletsimu we yaki Uyghuristan dep éniq atisimu boliwéridu.  Meselen Türükche qatarliq bir qisim qérindash türkiy tillarde Sherqiy Türkistan/Dogu Türkistan….Ortaasya we Yawropa tillirida Uyghuristan.
20O4-yili 11-ayning 12-küni  Amerika Qoshma Shitatliri 

 

 

Merkiziy Asiya Rusiye We Xitayning Tesiri Astida Qalamdu?

 Asia__circa_2064_by_Nederbird
Ottura asiya chégrasining uch xil imkaniyiti. 2008-Yili 29-Féwral.

en.wikipedia.org

Melum bolushiche, sowét ittipaqi ghulap, uning terkibidiki jumhuriyetler musteqilliq alghandin kéyin, rusiye we xitay özlirining merkiziy asiyagha bolghan siyasiy we iqtisadiy tesirini kücheytishke kirishken.

Rusiye musteqilliqining deslepki yilliridila sabiq ottura asiya sowét jumhuriyetlirini özining tesir dairisige kirgüzüshke tirishqan bolsimu, xitay bu mesilide uning asasiy riqabetchisige aylanghan. Undaqta merkiziy asiya rusiye we xitayning tesiri astida qalamdu? bu xildiki talash-Tartishlar hélihem ottura asiya axbaratlirida kün tertipte tutup turulmaqta.

Yéqindin buyan, yeni özbékistanning yéngi prézidéntliqigha shawket mirziyayéw saylanghandin kéyin, merkiziy asiya memliketliri, yeni tajikistan, qirghizistan, özbékistan, türkmenistan we qazaqistan arisidiki munasiwetlerde janlinish, yéngilinish ehwali bayqilishqa bashlidi. Mutexessisler shawket mirziyayéwning kélishi bilen heqiqetenmu merkiziy asiyaning géosiyasiy hayatida özgirishler yüz bergenlikini ilgiri sürmekte.

Rusiyening «karnégi ru» axbarat agéntliqida élan qilinghan «krémildin awaylap. Ottura asiya musteqilliqigha teyyarmu: ottura asiya muqimliqi» namliq maqalining aptori pyétr bologof tashkentte yéngi aktip we heriketchan prézidéntning textke kélishi bilen emdi bashqa memliketlerning ottura asiya jumhuriyetliri arisidiki qarimu-Qarshiliqlarni öz menpeetliride paydilinishning ongaygha chüshmeydighanliqini, shundaqtimu bu rayondiki döletlerning iqtisad we bixeterlik mesililiride rusiyesiz öz aldigha bolushigha téxi etigen ikenlikini otturigha qoyghan.

Uning pikriche, ottura asiya 19-Esirning ikkinchi yérimidin bashlap rusiye we engliyening tesiri astida bolghan bolsa, emdi bügünki künde bu chong rayongha biwasite uning qoshniliri rusiye we xitay nezer aghdurmaqta.

U, xitayni ottura asiyada, birinchi nöwette, iqtisadiy, yeni meblegh sélish mesililiri qiziqturuwatqanliqini, rusiyening bolsa, yawro-Asiya iqtisadiy ittipaq dairiside öz pilanlirini emelge ashurushqa tirishiwatqanliqini bildüridu.

Maqale aptorining éytishiche, merkiziy asiya jumhuriyetliri ilgirimu öz-Ara hemkarliq teshkilatini qurushqa tiriship kelgen bolsimu, amma bu héch netije bermigen. Hazir yene bu mesile kün tertipige chiqmaqta.

Pyétr bologof mundaq dep yazidu: «ottura asiyadiki rayonluq birlishishning bash chekligüchisi-Bu rusiye menpeetliri. A q sh we yawropa ittipaqi, birinchi nöwette, mundaq teshkilatni krémilning tesirige qarshi heriket süpitide qobul qilghan bolatti, xitay bu rayonda bir pütün iqtisadiy boshluqning qurulushigha menpeetdar bolghan bolar idi. Moskwada sabiq ittipaqdash jumhuriyetlerning shimaliy qoshnisining qatnishishisiz birikishi qanuniy rewishte renjish peyda qilidu.»

Qirghizistanning «wrémya wostoka» axbarat-Analitikiliq layihiside bérilgen «merkiziy asiya bixeterlikining qurulushi: mesililer we kélechiki» namliq maqalida éytilishiche, kolléktipliq bixeterlik shertnamisi teshkilati merkiziy asiyada yawro-Asiyaning birikish prinsiplirini közlewatqan bolsa, shangxey hemkarliq teshkilati bu rayonning peydin-Pey xitaylishishini közelydiken.

Maqalida shundaqla musteqil döletler hemkarliqi, shangxey hemkarliq teshkilati, kolléktipliq bixeterlik shertnamisi teshkilati oxshash teshkilatlarning uning ezaliri arisidiki munasiwetlerni mustehkemleshke, ularning xelqara weziyetke bir omumiy baha bérishqa qadir emesliki éytilghan. Mezkur teshkilatlar köpinche öz paaliyitini tekrarlash bilen shughullanmaqta.

Siyasetshunas ghalim agéléuofning qarishiche, merkiziy asiya jumhuriyetlirining birikishi mushu küngiche bezi memliketlerning qarshiliqigha uchrimaqta.

U bu mesilining hazirqi ehwali heqqide toxtilip, mundaq dédi: «mubada merkiziy asiya mustehkemlinidighan bolsa, u xéli küchke kirip, hem moskwa, hem béyjing bilen bolghan munasiwetliride ularning barliqi özlirini ishenchlik tutidighan bolidu. Egerde bizning jumhuriyetlirimiz öz-Ara munasiwetlerni mustehkemleydighan bolsa, ehwalimiz xéli éghir bolidu. U waqitta biz daim rusiye we xitaygha béqindi bolup, gherbtin yiraqlishimiz. Héch kimge béqindi bolmasliqimiz üchün bizge bir pütün sistéma qurup, yéqin qoshnilirimiz bilen özara hemkarlishishimiz lazim.»

U buningdin tashqiri, merkiziy asiyaning hem rusiye, xitay bilen bolghan siyasiy, iqtisadiy we bashqa munasiwetliride, birinchi nöwette, öz menpeetlirini qoghdashning muhimliqini alahide tekitlidi.

Siyasetshunas rasul jumalining pikriche, merkiziy asiya memliketlirining birikishi ene shu memliketler rehberlirige baghliq bolup, ular bu jehette dadil heriketlerni yürgüzüshi lazim. U mundaq dédi: «gep bizning rayondiki rehberlerning mushuninggha teyyar ikenlikide, sirtqi küchlerning buninggha arilishishigha zerbe bérelishide. Sewebi sirtqi küchler merkiziy asiyadiki xelqlerning bir-Biri bilen birikip, bu rayonning küchlük bolushini xalimaydu. Eksiche, hem xitay, hem rusiye, hem gherb ularning birikip kétishige qarshi turidu. Qazaq bilen özbékning yéqin bolmighanliqi, qazaq bilen qirghizning yéqin bolmighanliqi ular üchün paydiliq.»

Rasul jumali bu yerde merkiziy asiya döletlirining, shu jümlidin, qazaqistanning rusiye béqindiliqidin üzül-Késil qutulushining muhimliqini, lékin buning ongay ish emeslikini, shundaqla merkiziy asiya jumhuriyetliri birlikining mustehkemlinishide özbékistanning hel qilghuchi rol oynash mumkinlikini otturigha qoydi.

«Régnum» agéntliqi élan qilghan «özbékistan prézidénti xitayda soda saheside hemkarlishishni muhakime qilidu» namliq xewerde éytilishiche, mushu yili may éyining otturilirida özbékistan prézidénti shawket mirziyéyéf xitayda resmiy ziyarette bolmaqchi.

Bu ziyaret merkiziy asiyagha qandaq yéngi özgirishlerni élip kélidu? bu mutexessislerning jiddiy muhakimiside bolidighan nöwettiki mesilidur.(Oyghan)

Kishilik Hoquq Teshkilatliri Awropa Ittipaqi-Xitay Istratégiyelik Dialogida Ilham Toxti Mesilisini Otturigha Qoyushni Telep Qildi

Yawropa parlaméntida ilham toxtini saxarof mukapatigha namzat körsitish yighini échilghan. 2016-Yili 26-May.

Yawropa parlaméntida ilham toxtini saxarof mukapatigha namzat körsitish yighini échilghan. 2016-Yili 26-May.

unpo.org

Yawropa ittipaqi bilen xitayning 7-Nöwetlik istratégiye dialogi 19-, 20-Aprél künliri béyjingda ötküzüldi. Dialogda shimaliy koréye weziyiti we kishilik hoquq qatarliq nurghun mesililer muzakire qilinghan. Biraq söhbet netijisi kishilik hoquq teshkilatlirini ümidsizlendürdi.

Yawropa ittipaqning tashqi ishlar-Bixeterlik komissari fédirika mugérini xitaygha qarap yolgha chiqish harpisida kishilik hoquq közitish teshkilati bayanat élan qilip, mogérinining béyjingda xitay kishilik hoquq weziyitini yépiq we ashkara tenqid qilishini telep qilghan. Kishilik hoquq közitish teshkilati uning xitay hökümitini tenqidlep, qolgha élinghan barliq mehbuslarni, xususen öktichi ziyaliy ilham toxti bilen nobél tinchliq mukapati sahibi lyu shawboni derhal qoyup bérishni telep qilishi kéreklikini tekitligen.

Mezkur organ bayanatida, k h k t ning xitay ishlar diréktori doktor sofiy réchardsonning sözini neqil keltürüp: «aliy wekil mogérini özining xitay ziyaritide yawropa ittipaqining chetelde kishilik hoquq, démokratiye, qanun bilen bashqurushni algha sürüsh wedisige asasen heriket qilishi zörür» dep körsetken.

Mogérini 19-We 20-Apréldiki 2 künlük dialogida, xitay dölet komissari yang jyéchi we bash ministiri li kéchyang bilen söhbet ötküzgen idi.

Uning 20-Aprél béyjingda axbarat wasitilirige bergen melumatida körsitishiche, dialogda süriye, shimaliy koréye, afghanistan tinchliq söhbiti, térrorluq, parizh kilimat shertnamisi, iqtisadiy qurulma islahati, soda-Iqtisad, xitay bazirini échish qatarliq nurghun mesililer muzakire qilinghan. U, shu qatarda kishilik hoquqning otturigha qoyulghanliqini bildürgen bolsimu, biraq bu mesilini hel qilishning yoli dostane we ijabiy dialog, dep qaraydighanliqini qeyt qildi.

Mogérini mundaq deydu: «yawropa ittipaq bilen xitayning otturisidiki istratégiyelik munasiwet küchlük asaslargha tayinidu. U, b d t nizamnamisi, xelqara qanunlarning shérikchilik, hemkarliq, öz-Ara hörmet prinsiplirini asas qilidu. Shundaqla bizning yene eqil, tejribe we dostluqimiz bar. Bu, bizning otturidiki ixtilaplarni bir terep qilishimizgha imkaniyet yaritip béridu. Men dölet komissari) yang jyéchi) gha yawropa ittipaqining xitay kishilik hoquq mesilisidiki endishilirini yetküzdüm. Biz shuninggha qatnishishimiz, dostluq we ijabiy dialog barliq mesililerni hel qilishning eng toghra yoli.»

Mogérini xitaygha kishilik hoquq mesilisidiki endishilirini yetküzgenlikini bildürgen bolsimu, emma bu kishilik hoquq teshkilatlirini qayil qilalmidi.

Gérmaniye «xeter astidiki xelqler jemiyiti» yawropa-Xitay istratégiye dialogi bashlinishtin burun yawropa komitéti bilen körüshüp, ilham toxtini qoyup bérishni otturigha qoyushni telep qilghan teshkilatlarning biri.

Mezkur teshkilatning reisi ulrix délius peyshenbe küni mogérinining sözige inkas qayturup, uning kishilik hoquq mesilisige yéterlik jiddiyet körsetmigenlikini bildürdi.

Délius mundaq deydu: «u bezi mesililerni otturigha qoydi. Biraq, bu yerdiki soal u, bu mesililerni ikki terep munasiwitidiki nuqtiliq mesile qatarida otturigha qoydimu-Yoq. Bizning alghan tesiratimiz, u, bu mesililer xitayni qayil qilish, xitayda weziyetni muqimlashturush üchün zörür, dep qarighanliqi üchün emes, belki yawropa xelqining anglishi zörür, dep qarighanliqi üchün otturigha qoydi. Men uni buninggha köngül bölidu, dep qaraymen. Mana bu bizning hoshyarliqimizni qozghawatidu.»

Bu nöwetlik yawropa ittipaqi-Xitay istratégiye dialogi uyghur rayonining weziyiti éghirliship, xitay hökümiti qattiq we qoralliq amanliq tedbirlirini yürgüzgen, shuning bilen birge, ékologiye saheside «esebiylik» «bölgünchilik» ke qarshi heriket qozghap, zerbe bérish nishanini ziyaliylar, oqutquchilar, kadirlar bashqa sahe kishilirige qaratqan mezgilde ötküzülgen idi.

Shu sewebtin d u q yawropa ittipaqining xitay bilen bolghan dialogida bezi konkrét mesililerni otturigha qoyushini telep qilip kelgen.

D u q bash katipi dolqun eysa bu heqte toxtilip mundaq dédi: «yawropa ittipaqining xitay ishliri bölümi bilen 20 din artuq xelqaraliq teshkilatlarning rehberliri bilen bir uchrishish bolghan. Shu waqitta bizmu bérip qatniship, özimizning arzu-Teleplirini otturigha qoyduq. Bizning u yerde otturigha qoyghan asasliqi mesililirimiz bezi konkrét témilar üstide boldi. Mesilen, mushu ilham toxti mesilisi bizning shu waqitta otturigha qoyghan muhim témilirimizning biri. Uningdin bashqa diniy mesililerde xitay hökümitining ramizan aylirida roza tutushni chekleshtek, meschitlerge bayraq ésishtek, uyghurlarning sayahet erkinlikini chekleshtek konkrét mesililerni otturigha qoyduq.»

Dolqun eysa yene, döletlerning kishilik hoquq mesiliside xitaygha küchlük bésim ishletmeywatqanliqini bildürüp, buningda döletler otturisidiki soda munasiwiti rol oynawatqanliqini bildürdi.

Ulrix déliusning qarishiche, yawropa ittipaqining xitay bilen soda hemkarliqini kücheytip, uning bilen soda ittipaqi qurushi xitayda kishilik hoquqni dawamliq buzghunchiliqqa uchritidiken.

U mundaq deydu: «omumen yawropa ittipaqi, gérmaniye we xitay munasiwitige dair axirqi bu dialog bizning qattiq endishimizni qozghidi. Chünki, ularning ‹erkin soda›, ‹yer shari erkin sodisi› dégen sözliri bizde heqiqeten yawropa ittipaqi bilen xitay nahayiti zor soda ittipaqi quramdu-Qandaq? dégen tesirat peyda qildi. Ular amérikining siyasitige nahayiti endishe bilen qaraydu. Soda barliq döletler üchün intayin muhim nerse. Gérmaniye axbarati we biz uchrashqan siyasetchilerning bizge bergen tesiri, xitay bilen mushundaq bir ittipaq qurush üchün bir ishlar boluwatqandek qilidu.»

Kishilik hoquq közitish teshkilati bayanatida yene, yawropa tashqi ishlar-Bixeterlik komissarining xitay hökümiti chiqarghan bezi qanunlarning endishe qozghawatqanliqi, bu qanun-Tüzümler ijtimaiy guruhlarning paaliyitini cheklep, kishilik hoquqqa buzghunchiliq qiliwatqanliqini otturigha qoyushini telep qildi.

Kishilik hoquq teshkilatlirining ilgiri sürüshiche, xitayning «térrorluqqa qarshi turush qanuni», «tor bixeterlik qanuni», «chetel ammiwi teshkilatlirini bashqurush qanuni» kishilik hoquq we erkinlikni boghmaqtiken.(Erkin)

Türkiyede Ötküzülgen Balilar Bayrimida Uyghur Ösmürlergimu Orun Bérildi

 

Türkiyede ötküzülgen xelqaraliq balilar bayrimigha uyghur ösmürlirimu qatnashti.

Türkiyede ötküzülgen xelqaraliq balilar bayrimigha uyghur ösmürlirimu qatnashti.

RFA/Arslan

Kojaéli sheherlik hökümetning uyushturushi bilen dunya tinchliqi üchün ülge bolush alahidilikke ige bolghan 23-Aprél xelqaraliq balilar bayrimi dunyaning oxshimighan jayliridin kelgen ösmürler kojaéli shehiride saet munairi aldidin sheherlik hökümet aldighiche yürüsh qilish bilen 20 aprél peyshenbe küni resmiy bashlandi. Bu paaliyetke uyghur ösmürlirige wakaliten sherqiy türkistan maarip we hemkarliq jemiyitining orunlashturushi bilen oghul-Qiz bolup 23 neper ösmür qatnashti.

41 Dölet we rayondin shundaqla türkiyening her qaysi sheherliridin bolup, 1000 neper ösmür xojaéli shehirige jem boldi we özlirining milliy kiyimliri bilen bayraqlirini lepilditip sheher merkizide yürüsh qildi.

Uyghur ösmürler qollirida ay yultuzluq kök bayriqini lepilditip, sheher merkizidiki yürüshke qatnashti. Uyghur ösmürler chimen doppa kanwa könglek qatarliq milliy kiyimliri bilen kishilerning alahide diqqitini tartti.

Paaliyetning échilish murasimida kojaéli sheher bashliqi ibrahim qaraosmanoghli, kojaéli waliysi hesen besri güzel ependiler söz qildi.

Sheher bashliqi ibrahim ependi mundaq dédi: «közimizning nuri balilar kojaélige xosh keldinglar! 23-Aprél küni héch bir ösmür köz yéshi qilmisun. 23-Aprél küni héch bir ösmür yighlimaydighan, qorqmaydighan bir dunya qurush tirishchanliq künidur.»

Sheher bashliqi ibrahim qaraosmanoghli sözide yene dunyaning nurghun jaylirida urush sewebidin hayatidin ayrilghan yaki wetinini terk étishke mejbur bolghan ösmürlerge köngül bölüsh kéreklikini tekitlidi.

Sheher bashliqi ibrahim ependi sözide yene paaliyetke qatnashqan ösmürler xitab qilip mundaq dédi: «siler bügün bu yerde basqan qérindashliq qedem bilen dunya tinchliqigha hesse qoshisiler, allah buyrusa siler chong bolghanda urush we sürgün weqeliri bolmaydu.»

Dunyaning oxshimighan jayliridin kojaélige kelgen ösmürlerni kojaéli xelqidin her bir aile ikkidin ösmür méhmanni qarshi élip, öyide sahibxaniliq qilghan bolup, kojaéli sheher bashliqi türklerning méhmandostluqini yene bir qétim körsetken xelq ammisigha teshekkür éytidighanliqini ipadilidi.

Kéyin kojaéli waliysi hesen besri güzeloghli söz qilip, dunyaning töt etrapidin kojaélige kelgen ösmürlerning kelgüside tinchliq namida yéngi bir dunya qurup chiqidighanliqigha ishench qilidighanliqini ipadilidi we «dunyada urush sewebidin azab-Oqubetke muptila bolghan pütün ösmürlerge salam we söygü yollaymen» dédi.

Ösmür balilargha yétekchilik qilip paaliyetke qatnishiwatqan sherqiy türkistan maarip we hemkarliq jemiyitining ayallar bölümi bashliqi munewwer özuyghur xanimning bildürüshiche, 20-Aprél künidiki paaliyette uyghur ösmürler shéir oqudi. Xojaéli sheher bashliqi ibrahim qaraosman ughlu we kojaéli waliysi hesen besri güzel oghli ependige uyghur milliy kiyimliridin doppa we ton kiydürülüp, uyghur ösmürlerni bu paaliyetke dewet qilghanliqigha teshekkür bildürüldi, sherep taxtisi teqdim qilindi.

Bu paaliyet 9 yildin biri kojaélide her yili bir qétim ötküzüp kéliniwatqan bolup, dunyaning her qaysi jayliridiki balilargha öz-Ara uchrishish we tonushush pursiti yaritip bérish we ular arisidiki méhri-Muhebbet we söygüni kücheytip, tinch bolghan dunyaning güzellikini hés qildurush meqsitide ötküzüp kélinmekte iken.

Bu paaliyette uyghur ösmürlerge yétekchilik qiliwatqan munewwer xanimning bildürüshiche, uyghur perzentliri 23-Aprél küni, xojaéli sheher bashliqi we waliysi qatarliq muhim shexsler we kojaéli xelqi qatnishidighan chong murasimda shéir uqup uyghur sama ussuli körsitidiken, bu jeryanida uyghur ösmürler milliy medeniyetni tonushturup her xil paaliyet élip baridiken.(Arislan)

Imagining Re-Engineered Muslims in Uyghuristan

 

 

By Darren Byler

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While perusing the news from Northwest China in mid-April 2017, I came across a story about a Uyghur official who refused to smoke cigarettes in front of other devout Uyghurs. The Communist Party leader was publicly shamed and demoted for his failure to remain resolute in his “commitment to secularization.” Smoking, the state declared, was a personal choice that must be protected. By this logic, an individual’s right to smoke is thus a fundamental form of freedom: freedom to consume the secular. Smoking, like secularism, is a manifestation of the norms of Chinese citizenship. Prohibiting it is symptomatic of a social malady. The story, published by the Associated Press on April 11, 2017, reminded me of my own experiences of smoking with Uyghur friends.

It reminded me of a time when I was smoking cigarettes with a Uyghur friend as we wandered the back streets of Kashgar. We were on the prowl for late-night bowls of hand-pulled noodles or laghman. As we walked down an alleyway leading up to the restaurant we happened across a neighborhood mosque. My friend whispered to me that we should turn our cigarettes away from the mosque, shielding the mosque from them with the back of our hands. Our palms cupped upward, the lit end facing away, we walked by the front of the mosque and continued on our way. “It’s a sign of respect to do this,” my friend said.

As I read through the story of the Uyghur official refusing to smoke in front of older men from his community, this memory came back to me. Here it seems as though we have indigenous, Islamic norms of respect and moral values being pitted against secularism and socially-mandated individual choice. A common sense form of Uyghur morality is now being read as a kind of religious extremism. If you don’t smoke in front of those you respect, the state is saying it is fair to assume you are one of “those who wear the short pants” (kalte ishtanchi); or what Uyghur villagers often refer to as “wahabi.” That is, you are someone who has been influenced by the orthopraxis of reformist Islam and now wears pants that end above your ankles in the manner of the devout. If you don’t smoke in front of your elders, you must be someone who has been influenced by the teachings of the Tabligh Jama’at, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, Turkey-based Uyghur Salafimovements, or, from the state’s perspective, teachings that are even darker and more nefarious.

Reading the story of the shamed Uyghur official I was struck by something that the scholar Adrian Zenz said in the Associated Press version of the story. He said that what the state is attempting to do in Northwest China is “re-engineer” Uyghur society by removing any trace of Islamic influence. The type of human engineering he was referring to is, of course, a modernist, secular project. As Ann Anagnost puts it in the introduction to her co-edited volume Global Futures in East Asia, human engineering refers to “projects to create new kinds of subjects for political and economic transformation” (8). Often these sorts of projects are pitched as a kind of “progress,” as an emancipation of individuals from the hierarchical rule of the past. Often the goals of these projects shift over time, which is what makes the current situation in Northwest China one of “re-engineering” as Zenz correctly notes. Initially the “liberation” of the Uyghurs by the Chinese state, was one that intended to foster class struggle among indigenous religious minorities and, through this, call into existence a form of socialist equality and an erasure of historical differences. With the failure of the Chinese communist engineering project in the 1980s and the turn instead toward state-directed capitalism the project shifted. Now the promise of human engineering rests in the immersion of indigenous religious minorities in secular education systems. This secularization holds out the promise of sophisticated cultural and economic achievement through science, rationality and entrepreneurship. It also turns on the education of the consumer and the protection of the free flow of goods. These are the reasons why the consumption of cigarettes can become a locus of moral concern. By not smoking a Chinese state-produced cigarette in front of devout Uyghurs, the official was positioning himself in opposition to the engineering of the state.

Of course, for many members of an indigenous minority such an engineering project often feels much like a process of social elimination, in this case the elimination of Uyghur Islamic knowledge, history and religious institutions. As in other settler-colonial contexts (see Patrick Wolfe 2006), being forced to speak the language of the colonizer, prohibited from performing religious practice and compelled to perform secular rituals imposed by the colonizer functions as a form of epistemic violence and structural oppression rather than a liberation of indigenous minds.

A black and white reproduction of a Uyghur farmer propaganda poster from Mekit County, Kashgar Prefecture, in 1975. The caption reads: “Intellectual youth learning horse shoeing.”

The History of Uyghur Visual Engineering

By describing the forced smoking story as symptomatic of a re-engineering project, Zenz is pointing us toward the continuities between the current secularization project and the projects that were put in motion in 1949 that culminated in Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution in 1966. During that time hundreds of mosques were demolished, Uyghur mollas were disgraced and imprisoned. It was also around this same time that Uyghur farmers were mobilized as propagandists. As in other locations across the nation Uyghurs were tasked with producing an authoritative visual language while maintaining their status as productive members of society. In their leisure time at the end of the day, in county level art centers, they were taught to paint murals, posters and banners. The works of visual art they produced demonstrated their ability to act as ideological agents in mobilizing farmers in revolutionary socialist struggle. It projected the role they played in the proletarianization of urban elites (see the above image). Of course this art production was under tight party control, the national level cultural ministry dictated the parameters of what was to be produced to provincial level organs who in turn did the same at the level of the prefecture on down to the county. This is how art styles that focused on re-engineering the lives of Uyghur farmers first arrived in rural Xinjiang. As the Uyghur author Qıyum Bawudun (1997) has noted, beginning in the Cultural Revolution this new aesthetic style began to focus on the construction of a “moral” civilization that placed a priority on socialist-materialist ideology.

From the very beginning then, Uyghur farmer propaganda, painted by untrained rural Uyghurs for other rural Uyghurs, was focused on moral edification. It is easy to dismiss propaganda as simply a tool of the state for engineering the disciplined subjects it desires. But it is more than this. Propaganda can produce a style of seeing and acting in the world. Although the social reforms of the 1980s introduced new forms of commerce, much of the socialist cultural industry continued on, particularly in Northwest China.

In the decades after the death of Mao in 1979, the socialist cultural industry became a way for Uyghur farmer painters to achieve province and country-wide recognition in propaganda painting contests. Villages and counties competed against each other to see who can produce the most and the best forms of propaganda. Not only did this production promote the ideological agenda set in Beijing, it also became a tool of distinguishing the cultural acumen of local communities. As the successive waves of “hard strike campaigns” were put in motion in the 1990s to root out ethnic separatism, religious extremism and, after September 11, 2001, terrorism, Uyghur cultural production units were given even more incentives to continue to produce paintings and murals. This is why, even today, local propaganda production reaches the most basic levels of social life in Southern Xinjiang. Small children to elderly farmers who have never learned to speak Chinese understand what is being communicated in the paintings and murals. It is how the state communicates the vision of its project, how people communicate their own positions within the engineering project and one of the ways people learn how to perform within the limits of what is permitted.

An award-winning Uyghur farmer painting that responds to the Chinese President Xi Jinping’s 2014 call for the Uyghur masses to slaughter Uyghurs suspected of terrorism like vermin.

The most recent turn in this visual language, toward the support of the “People’s War on Terror” which was announced in by President Xi Jinping in 2014, has it’s own style as well. Much of it borrows from the counter-revolutionary imagery of the Maoist past. The representation, for example, of suspected terrorists as humans-becoming-vermin (pictured above) recalls the representations of counterrevolutionaries during the Maoist period. Because the new propaganda is now explicitly aimed at an Islamic target, there is also a “secularization” ethos to the new murals.  In these paintings the exchange of certain commodities are protected while others are prohibited. Yet despite these variations in the engineering project, capitalist secularism instead of Maoist socialism, much remains the same. As was the case during the Cultural Revolution, in our current moment thousands of mosques are being destroyed, Islamic teachers or mollas and their followers or talip are being imprisoned and placed in indefinite detention in political reeducation labor camps. Of course the rise of transnational communications that has accompanied the secular, colonization of the Uyghur homeland has also given rise to increased reception of global Islamic movements, and this, more than an intensification of indigenous Islamic traditions, is what is driving the Uyghur turn toward reformist Islam.

In what follows I will present a series of images of murals produced after the beginning of the “People’s War on Terror” by a single propaganda team of Uyghur artists in a village named Seghin Soget near the oasis town of Kucha.[1] Seghin Soget is known throughout the Kucha region as a center of religious life. There is even a popular saying among local Uyghurs that states that “the (religious) stability (muqimliq) of Southern Xinjiang lies in Kucha, the stability of Kucha lies in Seghin Soget.” As one Uyghur woman from the Kucha area told me, “They are true believers in Seghin Soget.” Viewing the current propaganda from Seghin Soget might thus be seen as symptomatic of how the most devout are being reimagined by the state. Along with the images I will provide an analysis of the themes and styles that emerge from them, followed by some concluding remarks.

Imagining Secular Uyghurs

“Interfering with the normal life of others by prohibiting them to listen to the radio or watch TV is an act of religious extremism”

The re-engineering of Uyghur lives begins in the home. One of the primary objectives of the state development campaigns in the late 1990s was bringing state television into the homes of every Uyghur. In many locations televisions were provided free of charge. Not only was this a way of communicating state goals, achievements and criticism with a mass audience, it was also a way of introducing commercial advertising centered around urban development and cultural sophistication. Television programing also allowed the state to control the dominant representation of Uyghur ethnicity through Uyghur language operas, talk shows, dramas and comedies.

With the arrival of 3-G networks in 2010 many young Uyghurs began to circumvent this centralized form of mass communication by instead relying on their smart phones for news and entertainment. As new Islamic teachings began to circulate on these same networks many Uyghurs began to see state television as harmful. Since it was directed against Islamic orthopraxy, and increasingly centered around patriotic programming, many devote Uyghurs began to abstain from watching it. Now, as this image indicates, people are being pressured to begin watching state media again. In some cases, certain propaganda programs such as the mini-series Anarxan, which presents Uyghur traditions as oppressive and in need of Chinese liberation, have become mandatory viewing.

“Forcing students to believe in religion is illegal religious behavior.”

“Prohibiting haram products is an excuse to interfere with the normal behavior of others.”

Engineering Uyghur minds continues outside of the home in the domain of education as well. For decades it has been illegal for Uyghur youth under the age of 18 to study religion. Teaching one’s children how to pray or encouraging them to fast during Ramadan has come to be considered a form of religious extremism. In fact, the education system has been set up in direct opposition to religious education. As has been widely reported, during Ramadan Uyghur children are forced to eat and drink at school; they are often held at school during prayer times so that they cannot pray on their own.

Of course, prior to the start of the “People’s War on Terror” in 2014, many parents sent their children to neighborhood teachers for an informal education in Islam. Now, basic knowledge of Arabic, is considered a sign of religious extremism. Children are frequently questioned by their teachers regarding their knowledge of Islam and their parents’ religious practice. Recently there have been reports of children being taken from parents suspected of religious extremism. This component of the reengineering project is called a rectification of Islam.

As in the smoking story that I used to introduce this essay, refusing to consume haram products is now also considered a political act. Since 2009, around the time the most recent turn to reformist Islam began, Uyghur men across Southern Xinjiang have stopped drinking in public. Many of them refuse to drink in private as well. This stands in marked contrast to the widespread alcohol consumption that existed prior to the most recent secularization project. In fact, up until 2009 anti-alcoholism was one of the main features of Uyghur-language state television programing and propaganda work prior to this turn toward abstinence. Now, with the implementation the “People’s War on Terror,” the state is taking a stand in support of free circulation of haram products as approved commodities, even while in other parts of China there are active campaigns against excessive alcohol consumption and smoking in public.

Engineering “Permitted Differences”

The anthropologist Louisa Schein (2000) has described the Chinese form of multiculturalism as one of “permitted differences.” This politics of recognition is premised on the role of the state in dictating the terms of religious and cultural expression. Indigeneity is thus subject to the sovereignty of the state; permitted differences are “a gift” allowed by the state. Any attempt to deviate from this gift of permitted difference is seen as a challenge to the state and thus a manifestation of what the state refers to as the “three evil forces”: separatism, extremism or terrorism. Since 2014 the enforcement of permitted differences has become a part of daily life. It now invades the most intimate aspects of Uyghur sociality.

“Wearing ethnic costumes is a way of inheriting and carrying forward ethnic culture, wearing a burka is a betrayal of ethnic culture.”

“Discriminating against those who do not worship and do not fast by not eating the food they prepare is a form of religious extremism.”

The engineering of difference begins with engineering the appearance of the body. Uyghur women and men are now tasked with grooming and clothing themselves in such a way that they perform their identity properly. During the “People’s War on Terror” this means that Uyghurs are tasked with wearing doppa, the traditional prayer hat, that has come to mark their ethnic difference. Uyghur women are told to wear dresses made of etles, the colorful silk fabric we see represented in these murals, or mass-produced Western-style clothes made in Chinese factories. They are told that their dresses cannot extend past the knee. Dressing in accordance with Islamic moral convictions that deviate from this standard is not permitted. Not sharing food with those who practice their faith differently is also prohibited.

“Do not prevent others from playing music, singing and dancing at wedding ceremonies.”

“A nikah (Islamic marriage ceremony) without a marriage certificate is illegal.”

“Reading a talaq divorce (Islamic divorce procedure) without fulfilling legal procedures is illegal.”

The engineering of proper ethnic difference is also related to the comportment of the body and the regulation of intimacies between people. Since 2009, Uyghur marriage ceremonies have become a major source of contention. Around that time, the focus of marriage ceremonies as festive celebrations, on eating, drinking and dancing, began to shift to that of moral instruction. Since mosques are tightly regulated by the state, people began to use the ceremony of the marriage in courtyards of the home as a space in which to invite molla to offer teachings in Islamic orthopraxy. One of the outcomes of this shift in focus was a new reluctance to turn Islamic marriage ceremonies into festive occasions. Just as Uyghurs began to stop drinking, pious Uyghurs also began to stop dancing.

In 2014 the state began to intervene in these ceremonies, demanding that weddings include music and dancing. If state representatives did not observe dancing at the wedding the new couple faced having to pay a fine of over 3000 yuan. Islamic divorce procedures were also outlawed in order to prevent pious men from divorcing wives who did not meet their standards of piety.

“Teaching informal groups or the private instruction of talip (followers of Islamic teachers) is a form of illegal religious behavior.”

Of course the hand of the state goes far beyond marriage. It also regulates Islamic gatherings in general, preventing all forms of unapproved Islamic teaching. The indigenous practice of oral storytelling, of gathering to practice ecstatic Sufi traditions and epic performances of the history of Uyghur Islam are thus being eliminated. Or, perhaps worse, they are being appropriated for forced wedding celebrations and patriotic “healthy” dance parties, or saghlam meshrep, that have now become an obligation for Uyghur farmers across Southern Xinjiang. This of course has the effect of alienating Uyghurs from their own indigenous practices and knowledge traditions; traditional meshrep activities that centered on moral instruction have been labeled “unhealthy,” or saghlam emes. What might look like a simple gathering of neighbors is now a tense situation that is closely monitored by local officials.

Even in death there is no escaping these deep tensions.  Now a lack of audible mourning at funerals is now seen as a challenge to the parameters of acceptable difference. Funerals are seen as extremist if the relatives of the dead do not mourn loudly; yet, at the same time it is now illegal to hire Sufi mystics to perform the mourning ceremony as many Uyghurs have done in the past.

“Listening to illegal teachers is a form of illegal religious activity.”

“Prohibiting the relatives of the dead from crying and performing filial piety in the nazir (Islamic funeral ritual) is a form of religious extremism.”

The Force of the Engineer

Another dominant theme that emerges from viewing contemporary Uyghur propaganda is the sheer force of the state. These images tell a story of surveillance and merciless force. Uyghurs who follow Salafi teachings are represented as dark, shadowy figures caught in the net of the machine of the state. The state in these images is a deep state with spies everywhere and technology that can observe every download every transaction. The message of this story is that the state is powerful. It has guns, police, ships and planes and seals, courts, laws and prisons. There is no escaping the sovereignty of the state. It is futile to resist its moral instruction.

“Unite as one heart, crack down on the ‘Three Forces.’”

“Build a net over the sky and traps across the earth (asmanda tor, yerde qapqan) so that terrorists have nowhere to hide, no way to escape.”

“The use of the Internet to download and disseminate violent terroristic audio and video content will be subject to severe (qattiq) legal punishment.”[2]

“Crack down on the ‘three forces’ to maintain social stability!”

Establish a legal consciousness, recognize the reactionary nature of the “three forces!”

The “three forces” that are continually referenced in these images of state force are shorthand for the “three evil forces” that the Chinese state has identified as the source of resistance to their re-engineering project. The three forces are ethnic separatism, religious extremism, and violent terrorism. In the Uyghur these forces are often referred to as “elements,” or unsurlar, a term that immediately recalls the counterrevolutionary rhetoric used in the Cultural Revolution to impugn all “black elements” that resisted the dominance of communist engineering.

By regulating the bodies and homes of Uyghur Muslims the Chinese state is attempting to assert its will in every aspect of Uyghur life. From raising children, to marriage and death the state is there to regulate Uyghur morality. It is there to dictate who you meet with, whose food you eat, what you drink, how you dress and whether or not you dance. The state is there to make sure you sleep only in approved locations. It is there to invade your home and make sure you have only approved literature, that your smart phone is “clean,” that there is not a surplus number of slippers by the door to your home. The state is there to tell you what is reactionary and what is secular; what is extreme and what is a permitted tradition.

The goal across this visual imposition is to transform the minds of viewers. By both demonstrating the promise of secular achievement and the force of Chinese control these images create an atmosphere of inevitability. Uyghur farmers seem to have no choice but to accept secularization and the elimination of unpermitted Islamic practices.

Conclusions

The state photographer Zheng Yanjing who took the images of these Uyghur propaganda murals lauded them as an example of the way “masses” of farmers in Southern Xinjiang have come to understand “the dangers of religion” (Zheng 2016). To his thinking, they are examples of how Uyghur farmers are engaged in a struggle for secularism against the tyranny of religious dogmatism. Of course, this is not the way the many Uyghurs I have spoken with about these murals feel. To their thinking, they are examples of the imposition of the state in their lives. These are images that make them deeply anxious because they demonstrate that in the eyes of the state all of them are extremists until proven otherwise. Unless they dance at weddings and refuse to practice their faith according to their convictions, they are suspect.

By the logic of this images, the way my friend and I turned our cigarettes away from the mosque as we walked by was a sign of our religious extremism. The way we raised our hands and offered a prayer after a meal, the way we greeted each other with the Arabic greeting “assalam alaykum” was a sign of our lack of secularism. Every action in public and in private is coded in these ways. It is impossible to know who to trust. No one knows who will be arrested tomorrow and forced to inform on his friends and family. There is no recourse to justice. Guilt is easy to assign and impossible to escape.

As one Uyghur friend told me recently, “I am deeply worried about the safety of my family. It looks like they are targeting people of all walks of life. I don’t know if this is a temporary storm, or a long-term policy. It is definitely not sustainable. But maybe it does not matter to the party.”

There are often ways to resist human engineering projects. In small-scale communities, something Nancy Fraser (1990) calls counter-publics, people can often find solidarities in resisting ideological imposition. But in Northwest China the current engineering project seems so totalizing, so extreme, that it is becoming increasingly difficult to imagine a way out. It is becoming difficult to think beyond the state’s imagination of Uyghur Muslims.

Darren Byler is a doctoral researcher in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Washington, Seattle. His work focuses on emerging forms of art and politics among Uyghur migrants and Han settlers in urban Northwest China. His co-translations of Uyghur fiction and poetry have appeared in GuernicaPathlight and Banango Street.

Footnotes:

[1] All of these images were taken by the Xinjiang-based photographer and journalist Zheng Yanjiang for the state news organization Tian Shan Network. They are reproduced here with the stated permission of the photographer.

[2] This term, “severe” legal punishment, is understood to mean that there will be a summary judgement that will result in 10-20 years of imprisonment or the disappearance of those that are judged guilty

Works Cited:

Anagnost, Ann, Andrea Arai, and Hai Ren (Eds). (2013). Global Futures in East Asia: Youth, Nation, and the New Economy in Uncertain Times. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press.

Associated Press. (2017). “China punishes official for not daring to smoke near Muslims.” Published April 11. Viewed on April 14, 2017 at http://www.nydailynews.com/newswires/news/national/china-punishes-official-not-daring-smoke-muslims-article-1.3042090.

Bawudun, Qıyum. (1996). Mekit Dıhqanlar Resimler Toplimi (A Collection of Peasant Paintings from Mekit County). Ürümchi: Xinjiang Fine Arts and Photography Press.

Fraser, Nancy. (1990). “Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy.” Social Text, (25/26), 56-80.

Qeshqer Edibiyat-Senıti. (1975). “Makit Dihanliri Rasimleridin” (Paintings from the Farmers of Mekit County). Kashgar Literary-Arts, 5, 79-82.

Schein, Louisa. (2000). Minority Rules: The Miao and the Feminine in China’s Cultural Politics. Durham: Duke University Press.

Wolfe, Patrick. (2006). “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native.” Journal of Genocide Research, 8(4), 387-409.

ZHENG Yanjing, (2014). “库车色根苏盖特村农民画笔下的‘去极端化’”(‘Extremism’ as Painted by the Farmers of Kucha, Seghin Soget Village).  Tian Shan Wang. Viewed on April 14, 2017 at http://chuansong.me/n/860797252860.

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New claims of Chinese oppression against Uyghur people

New claims of Chinese oppression against Uyghur people
New claims of Chinese oppression against Uyghur people

China has been forcing international Uyghur students to return home by threatening their families with imprisonment

World Bulletin / News Desk

In recent months, China’s new practices have brought them back under the spotlight of Human rights organizations as well as those who are protecting the Human Rights accord. Reports emerging from the Uyghur Autonomous Region has stated that there have been tens of thousands of arrests in recent times with many executions without a trial.

Uighur students who are studying abroad and  as well local sources  in the region have been forced to return under a new regulation. This has been taking place especially of those student  in Turkey, Egypt and Japan,  and have been treated  as if they are convicted criminals. According to reports, China has begun to apply this practice to the Uyghurs, who are either immigrants or refugees abroad, as well as businessmen.

Uyghur mehbus

For example, around 5000 Uyghur students in Egypt and thousands of Uyghur students in Turkey are seen as potential criminals and have been called back and arrested without trial. If the students insist on not returning, after one month have received one month  of “political education, the parents are taken into custody. According to the latest information, over 300 Uighur students have been under intense pressure with their parents being threatened, forcing the return of the students to East Turkestan in the last few months.

According to the information given by some of these students, the Chinese authorities asked them to return by 1 May 2017, and if they fail to do so, their families will be imprisoned. It is expected that the Chinese authorities will announce a statement regarding these allegations. If the allegations of blackmail and pressure to push students to return are proven, this would be a difficult explanation for China, one that would considered a violation of the general rule of law and universal legal principles. Lawmakers have said that an evaluation outlined below will be made possible if such claims are true.

Firstly, irrespective of the education and lifestyle, it is a fundamental violation of international rights to see all Uighurs treated as potential criminals.

Secondly, it is a huge violation of law to place all students, who do not have a proven criminal record and and who are only abroad to study, in the same category.  Innocent until proven guilty is a universal basic law.

Thirdly, according to the international “crime and criminal justice principle” if there is a proven crime, only the criminal offender can be punished for this crime. It is not lawful for a criminal’s family members, who are not guilty and have nothing related to the crime itself, to be punished.

Fourthly, as it is alleged, if the recalling of Uighur students from abroad is a real, proven practice, then this makes it a clear discrimination against a people.

Lastly, it is an unacceptable human rights abuse for those to be condemned to political concentration camps and the parents of students sent to prison without any trial. The Chinese government must implement the right to a fair trial in all universal legal texts.

It is a humanitarian duty of human rights organization to examine this issue in an objective and unbiased manner and if this practice is indeed proven true, to bring it forward to on the world. In addition, it is also vital to the prevention of new rights human rights violations in the region.

http://www.worldbulletin.net/headlines/188247/new-claims-of-chinese-oppression-against-uyghur-people

Xitay, Türkiyediki Référéndumni «Uyghur Musteqilliq Kürishige Qarshi turush»ta Tosqunluq Peyda Qilidu dep qarimaqta

Türkiyede parlamént tüzümidin prézidéntliq tüzümge ötüsh üchün ray sinashqa qarshiliq bildürüp we tashlanghan béletke saxtiliq qilindi, dep namayish qiliwatqanlar. 2017-Yili 18-Aprél, istanbul.

Türkiyede parlamént tüzümidin prézidéntliq tüzümge ötüsh üchün ray sinashqa qarshiliq bildürüp we tashlanghan béletke saxtiliq qilindi, dep namayish qiliwatqanlar. 2017-Yili 18-Aprél, istanbul.

AFP

Türkiyediki référéndumdin kéyin xitayning hökümet awazi hésablinidighan «yer shari waqti» géziti référéndum, yeni omumi xelq awaz bérishtin kéyinki türkiye-Xitay munasiwetliri mulahize qilinghan bir maqale élan qilghan. Uningda, türkiyede bundin kéyin pan türkizim idiyesining küchiyish éhtimalliqi we buning xitayning térrorluqqa qarshi turushigha peyda qilidighan riqabiti üstide mulahiziler élip bérilghan. Türkiyediki közetküchiler bu heqte öz pikirlirini otturigha qoydi.

Bügün xitayning «yer shari waqti» gézitide «türkiyediki référéndum xitayning térrorluqqa qarshi kürishige riqabet élan qilmaqta» mawzusida bir maqale élan qilindi. Türkiyede bu yekshenbe küni prézidéntliq sistémisigha ötüsh yaki parlamént tüzümini saqlap qélish üchün élip bérilghan omumiy xelq awaz bérish paaliyiti,yeni référéndum dunyaning omumyüzlük diqqitini qozghighan. Bolupmu gherb elliri prézidéntliq tüzümige ötken teqdirde buning rejep tayyip erdoghanning küchini ashurup, türkiyediki démokratik sistémigha ziyan bérishi mumkinlikini talash-Tartish qiliwatqan bir mezgilde, xitayning hökümet awazi hésablinidighan «yer shari waqti géziti» bolsa oxshimaydighan bir nuqtini chiqish nuqtisi qilip turup türkiyediki référéndumgha baha berdi. Maqalide mundaq déyilgen: türkiyediki référéndum netijisi türkiye prézidéntining hoquqini yenimu kücheytidighanliqi üchün xitaydiki bir qisim közetküchiler buning türkiyede pantürkizm idiyesining küchiyishi we netijide xitayning «sherqiy türkistan islam herikiti» ge oxshaydighan térrorluq guruppilirigha qarshi küresh qilishini qiyinlashturushi mumkin, dep qarimaqta.

«Yer shari waqti» gézitining éytishiche, béyjing uniwérsitétining oqutquchisi zen taw: «rejep tayyip erdoghanning ghelibisi türkiyede pan-Türkizimning bash kötürüshige yol échip bérishi we netijide bu dölettiki bir qisim siyasiy küchlerningmu uyghur élidiki térrorchilargha, bölgünchilerge yaki dini radikallargha hésdashliq qilishi, hetta qollishini keltürüp chiqirishi mumkin», dep mulahize qilghan.

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Türkiyediki sabiq parlamént ezasi, proféssor doktor exet endijan ependi yuqiridiki mulahizige baha bérip, «bu xitay hökümitining purset tapsila uyghurlarni térrorluqqa chétiwalidighan xahishining bir mehsulati xalas», deydu. U sözide türkiyening herwaqit uyghur milliy dawasini qollap kelgenlikini, buning référéndum bilenmu bek alaqisi yoqluqini éytip, «men bu yuqirida éytilghan sözlerni peqet xitay hökümitining uyghur mesilisini he dése térrorluq we térrorchi qilip körsitish tirishchanliqlirining bir mehsuli, dep qaraymen. Xitay uyghurlarning milliy herikitini térrorluq herikiti dep ataydu. Emma türkiyede uyghurlarning herikiti milliy bir dawa süpitide qollashqa ériship kelgen. Meyli erdoghan hökümiti bolsun yaki uningdin ilgiriki bashqa hökümetler bolsun hemmisi uyghurlarning milliy dawasigha hésdashliq qilidu. Uyghur mesilisi dégen türkiyening ichki siyasitige munasiwetlik. Shunga uni hemme hökümetler qollighan. Buning référéndum bilen alaqisi yoq. Bu yerde xitayning némini térrorluq dewatqanliqi yaki türkiye hökümitining uyghur milliy dawasining qaysi sewiyede qollawatqanliqini perqlendürüsh kérek» dédi.

«Yershari waqti» géziti bolsa xewiride, süriyede «islam döliti teshkilati» qarmiqida urush qiliwatqanliqi ilgiri sürülüwatqan uyghurlargha türkiyening ishik échip bergenlikini bayan qilip, «süriye prézidénti besher esad bir qétim xitayning finéks téléwiziyesige söz qilghanda türkiye uyghur jihadchilargha chégrani échip bériwatidu. Men türkiye hökümitining némishqa ularni tosmaydighanliqini chüshinelmidim, dédi» dep yazghan. Exet endijan ependi bolsa buninggha qarshi chiqip, süriyede «islam döliti teshkilati» qarmiqida urush qiliwatqan uyghurlar bar déyilsimu, emma ularning uyghur éli ichidiki heriketler bilen qanchilik alaqisi barliqining éniq emeslikini, bir alaqisi barliqigha dairmu héchqandaq bir ispat yoqluqini bildürdi.

«Yer shari waqti» géziti mulahiziside yene, ikki dölet munasiwetlirining bundin kéyinki tereqqiyati üstide toxtilip, uninggha xitaydiki ottura sherq tetqiqatchisi, xitayning irandiki elchixanisining sabiq elchisi xua limingning sözini neqil keltürgen. Xua liming sözide, référéndumdin kéyin türkiyening amérika we yawropa bilen bolghan munasiwetlirining choqum yirikshidighanliqini, shunga türkiyening bundin kéyin xitay we rusiye bilen yéqin munasiwet quridighanliqini ilgiri sürgen hem buninggha türkiye prézidénti erdoghanning xitayning yéngi yipek yoli ish pilaninimu qollaydighanliqini qoshumche qilghan.

Türkiye ege uniwérsitétining oqutquchisi, proféssor alimjan inayet ependi hazir türkiyening bezi sewebler tüpeylidin gherb döletliridin yamanlisimu,emma beribir ular bilen yéqin munasiwet ornitishqa mejburlighini bildürdi.

Exat andijan ependimu yuqiridiki sözni qollap, xitay bilen rusiyening yawropaning ornini basalmaydighanliqini bildürüp, «türkiye jumhuriyitining iqtisadining zor bir qismi yawropagha baghlanghan. Shunga men gherbke baghlanghan bir türkiyede hosh-Kallisi jayida herqandaq bir siyasetchining bundaq qilidighanliqigha ishenmeymen. Chünki türkiye amérika we yawropa bilen munasiwetlirini buzuwalsa iqtisadiy jehettin jiddiy kiriziske pétip qalidu. Bu krizisni ya xitay ya rusiye bilen hel qilip bolalmaydu. Erdoghan référéndumdin ilgiri yawropani uni qilmisanglar biz yawropa birlikige kirishtinmu waz kéchimiz, dégendek tehditlerni qildi. Shunga beziler heqiqeten shundaq bolarmu, dep oylap qalghan bolushi mumkin. Elwette undaq éhtimalliqmu yoq emes. Men erdoghanning bundaq bir siyasiy yol tutidighanliqigha anche éhtimalliq bermeymen» dédi.(Irade)

Altay Wilayiti Élan Qilghan Mukapat, Yerlik Milletler Ortaq Uchrawatqan Zulumning Ipadisi, Dep Qaraldi

Kocha charlawatqan xitay qoralliq küchliri. 2014-Yili 3-Mart, qeshqer.

Kocha charlawatqan xitay qoralliq küchliri. 2014-Yili 3-Mart, qeshqer.

Imaginechina

Altay wilayiti charshenbe küni uqturush chiqirip, térrorluqqa ait gumanliq ehwallarni pash qilghanlarni 5 milyon yüengiche bolghan yuqiri mukapat sommisi bilen tartuqlaydighanliqini jakarlidi. Uyghur élining shimaligha jaylashqan we qazaq nopusini asas qilghan altayda hazirghiche bir jiddiy ehwal körülmigen bolsimu, emma oxshash uqturushning élan qilinishi diqqet qozghidi.

Altay wilayetlik jemiyet amanliqini omumyüzlük bashqurush heyiti we altay wilayetlik térrorluqqa qarshi turush xizmiti rehberlik guruppisi birlikte charshenbe küni «ammining térrorluq jinayi qilmishlirigha ait yip uchlirini pash qilishni mukapatlashqa dair qarari» ni élan qilghan. Mezkur qarar altay kündilik xewerler géziti we shuningdek altay wilayitining ündidaridiki sehipisi we kéyin jenubiy junggo seher gézitide keng xewer qilindi.

Uning mezmunidin qarighanda, altaydiki hökümet organliri we bashqa muhim organlargha térrorluq hujum qilish pilanini pash qilghanlarni 5 milyon yüendin 3 milyon yüengiche, qoral yaki partlatquch yasighanlarni pash qilghanlarni 4 milyon, chégradin kirgen yaki chiqqan térrorchilargha ait uchur bilen teminligenlerni 3 milyon, chetellerdiki térrorchilargha pul yardem qilghanlarni pash qilghanlarni 2 milyon yüen mukapat bilen tartuqlaydiken.

Uningda yene, zorawanliq-Térrorluqqa ait widiyolarni, resimlerni yasap tarqatqanlar, bashqilarni térrorluqqa, milliy bölgünchilikke küshkürtkenler, nimkesh mashina élip-Satqan, suyuqlandurulghan gaz alghan gumanliq ehwallar, topliship beden chéniqturush qatarliq ehwallar we kishilermu birdek térrorluqqa dair gumanliq ehwallar qatarigha kirgüzülüp ayrim-Ayrim mukapat sommisi békitilgen.

Amérika kaliforniye uniwérsitétining panoma instituti oqutquchisi doktor dru glednéy ependi xitay hökümiti uyghur élide éliwatqan bundaq tedbirlerni chékidin ashqan gumanxorluq késellikige oxshitip, xitay hökümitining chapiqini alimen dep, jirtaq qiliwatqanliqni bildürdi.

U mundaq dédi: «xitay hökümiti radikal islam we térrorluq mesiliside uyghur élining pakistangha yaki hindistangha oxshap qélishining aldini élish üchün radikalliqqa yaki öktichilikke kichikkine bolsimu bir purset bermeslikke tirishiwatidu. Lékin méning qarishimche, bu weziyetni téximu nacharlashturuwétidu. Chünki insanlargha qanche bésim qilsa naraziliqmu qarshiliqmu shunche küchiyidu. Uning üstige meyli qanchilik qattiq bixeterlik tedbirliri élinishidin qetiynezer eger bir kishi qattiq narazi bolup, zorawanliq herikiti qilimen dése, u haman uning bir amalini tapidu. Eger xitay hökümiti heqiqiy térrorluq weziyiti bilen yüzleshmeymen dése, u halda u bundaq bésim siyasetlirini özgertishi kérek.»

Bu yil 14-Féwral küni xoten wilayitining guma nahiyiside pichaqliq hujum weqesi yüz bergendin kéyin xoten wilayiti birinchi bolup mana bu 5 milyon yüengiche baridighan yuqiri mukapat sommisini élan qilghan idi. Emma uyghur élining shimaligha jaylashqan we qazaq nopusini asas qilidighan altay wilayitide bundaq bir uqturush chiqishi diqqet qozghidi.

Amérika uyghur birleshmisining reisi, weziyet analizchisi ilshat hesen ependi bolsa sözide uyghur élide yerlik milletlerning hemmisi xitay hökümitining siyasetlirining ziyinigha uchridi, dep eskertti.

Shuning bilen birge, bu yil martta uyghur rayon dairiliri 11 kishini «qanungha xilap uchur tarqatti» dégen jinayet bilen bir terep qilghan we ularning ichidiki bir nepiri qazaq millitidin idi.

Uyghur rayonluq partkom we hökümetning awazi hésablinidighan tengritagh tori bu heqtiki xewiride, bu 11 kishining tizimlikini bergende qazaq millitidin bolghan bu kishini birinchi orungha tizip, uni dini radikalliqqa ait widiyo körgen, wez éytqan widiyolarni körüp kompyutérida saqlighan dégen jinayetni békitken.

Xitayda bir qeder erkin we oxshimighan pikirdiki maqale-Xewerlerni élan qilish bilen tonulghan, shangxey birleshme axbarat guruppisigha qarashliq «6-Ton» namliq tor bette yéqinda bir qazaq yazghuchi uyghur élidiki qazaqlarning weziyiti heqqide bir parche maqale élan qilghan idi.

Maqaliside özini «mahire» dep tonushturghan bu qazaq qizi qazaqlar uchrawatqan mesililerni mundaq bayan qilghan: «kichikimde men daim altay taghlirida yashaydighan hammamning yénida turattim. U tolimu sap we jennettek bir yer idi. Bipayan asmanda uchuwatqan qushlarning awazliri anglinip turatti. Qishta bu tagh qélin qarlar bilen qaplinip kétetti. Hammam bizge changgha yasap béretti. Kéchiliri bolsa börilerning huwlashlirini anglayttuq. Emma bularning hemmisi bir eslime bolup qaldi. Bu yerge qurulghan kömürkanliri we yaghachchiliq sanaiـti tebiiy ormanlarni asasen dégüdek weyran qilip boldi, baliliq eslimilirimni bézigen yawayi haywanlarmu yoqap ketti. Nurghun nersiler özgerdi. Men bashlanghuch mektepte waqtimda pütün derslirimiz ana tilim qazaqchida ötületti. Lékin hazir chong boluwatqan qazaq baliliri qazaqche sawatini yoqatti ular hetta qazaqchini rawan sözliyelmeydighan bolup ketti… Yeni biz yérimizdin, tilimizdin ayrilduq. Elwette biz bundaq bolushini xalimiduq, lékin tallash imkanimiz yoq idi…»

Bu heqte toxtalghan ilshat hesen ependi xitay hökümitining uyghur élide yürgüzüwatqan siyasetlirining yalghuz uyghurlarnila assimilyatsiye qilish emes, belki barliq yerlik milletlerge qaritilghanliqini, uningda peqet waqit perqi barliqini eskertti.(Irade)